Press Release of Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM) on Protests of Oromos in Oromia, Ethiopia

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December 21st 2015

It is with great sadness that we have to witness the killings and massacres of unarmed civilians by the EPRDF forces once again in Ethiopia. The GPLM strongly condemns this heinous atrocity committed by the Ethiopian/EPRDF government forces against peaceful Oromo students who are protesting, within their constitutional rights, against the land grabbing policy.

Not long ago, the people of Gambella faced daylight genocide, where more than 450 unarmed Anuaks were killed by the Ethiopian armed forces – exactly this month of December in 2003. Every since, we have seen many atrocities being committed all over the country without impunity by the EPRDF government. The GPLM urges the government to stop these bloody crackdowns on peaceful protesters and the systematic genocide of non-Tigrean nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia to occupy their land – which is driven by lust for money and luxuries, while millions of Ethiopians are dying due to lack of food in the country.

The current demonstration of Oromo students is ostensibly a protest because of the expansion of the Addis Ababa boundary to Oromia, which has nothing to do with economic development nor municipality expansion, but a plan to displace and evict the Oromo farmers from their land.

Like other oppressed nations and nationalities, the Oromo people have been politically marginalized, while being the majority in the country. The current demonstration and protest, which have engulfed all over Oromia region, are parts of a deep-rooted historical struggle over injustice, identity, resistance to exploitation of the Oromo’s resources, and the rights to protect their ancestral land.

Thus, the GPLM calls for all Ethiopians, who are in the “Woyane”/EPRDF armed and security forces, not to fire their bullets against peaceful Oromo students. We also call on the Ethiopian people, from north to south – and from east to west, to join the Oromo students protest and their quest for justice and democracy in our country. Finally, we call on the EPRDF/”Woyane” government to immediately:

1. Stop the killing of unarmed Oromo students;

2. To unconditionally release all Oromo students who are held captive and illegally put to prison for exercising their constitutional rights; and

3. Lastly, we call for independent inquires to investigate the deaths of Oromo students.

 

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People’s War in India Clippings 25/12/2015

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Huge cache of arms, ammunition seized Maoist killed in encounter on Odisha-Chhattisgarh border

Massive search operation on Bhubaneswar: A Maoist was killed in Darbha forest near south Odisha’s Malkangiri district along Odisha-Chhattisgarh border during an exchange of fire between the security personnel and the red rebels on Friday morning hours.

A huge cache of arms and ammunition have also reportedly been seized from the spot. As per reports, Chhattisgarh Police and CRPF jawans launched a joint combing operation in the Darbha forest and faced resistance. As the security personnel were fired upon, they in retaliation exchanged fire causing death of the unidentified Maoist while the others managed to flee from the spot. As per PrameyaNews7 Malkangiri Correspondent reports, the exchange of fire has been ceased and a massive search operation has been launched to detect any other camps of the insurgents there.

http://prameyanews7.com/en/dec2015/odisha/9617/Maoist-killed-in-encounter-on-Odisha-Chhattisgarh-border-Maoist-killed-Odisha-Chhattisgarh-border-Odisha.htm

59 IEDs recovered from Maoist-hit district in Jharkhand

Ranchi: In a joint operation of Jharkhand police and paramilitary forces, 59 improvised explosive devices (IEDs) were recovered from Maoist-hit Latehar district of Jharkhand on Friday, the police said. The search operation was launched in Kumandih jungle situated under Manika police station after a tip-off from an arrested Maoist guerrilla Mithilesh Yadav, according to the police. The seized IEDs, which included 14 pressure cooker bombs and seven cylinder bombs, were defused by the bomb disposal team. Maoist guerrillas are active in 18 of the 22 districts of Jharkhand.

http://www.mid-day.com/articles/59-ieds-recovered-from-maoist-hit-district-in-jharkhand/16806153

Naxalite gunned down in Chattisgarh’s Bastar district

A Naxalite was today gunned down by security forces during an encounter in Chhattisgarh’s insurgency-hit Bastar district. The skirmish took place on Friday morning in Kapnar village forest under Pakhnar police outpost of Darbha area, Bastar Additional Superintendent of Police Vijay Pandey said. A joint squad of Chhattisgarh Armed Force (CAF), District Reserve Group (DRG) and district police had launched a combing operation in the area surrounding Pakhnar since early this morning, he said.

As they were cordoning-off a forested hill between Kapnar and Toynar, a group of armed cadres opened indiscriminate fire on them, prompting the security forces to retaliate. However, the ultras soon fled from the spot as the security forces zeroed-in on them, Pandey said. Later, during a search of the place, the body of a rebel clad in ‘uniform’ and a weapon were recovered from the spot, he said. The identity of the Naxal will be known once the police team returns to its camp, he added.

http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/naxalite-gunned-down-in-chattisgarhs-bastar-district/

Odisha-Chhattisgarh joint forces launch pad against Naxals in Malkangiri

Giving a fillip to wipe out the Naxal menace in the state’s Malkangiri region, Odisha and Chhattisgarh police will join forces to set up a ” launch pad” in the region to make it Maoist free, said a top police official of the neighbouring state. Talking on the side lines of top level police meet between Chhattisgarh and Odisha police, IG Kalluri has said that they have made a blue print to wipe out the Naxals belonging Darbha Division Committee which is active in the Malkhangiri district. Bastar range IG SRP Kalluri, Bastar SP R N Das, Sukma and Malkangiri SP were part of the meeting.

“Chhattisgarh DRF has been recently trained in a new training programme which is becoming very effective. We have achieved quite a few successes in the recent past, with large number of arrests, arms laid down or return to the main stream. We have also reduced the security fatalities to a great extent”, said Bastar range IG SRP Kalluri. Odisha and Chhattisgarh police joint operation in Malkangiri Maithili area will become the launching pad of the security forces, to make the area Naxal free in 2016.

http://odishasuntimes.com/2015/12/25/odisha-chattisgarh-forces-launch-pad-against-naxals-in-malkangiri/

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Denial of bail to Saibaba an attack on democratic rights: DU professor supporters

Coming out strongly in support of Delhi University professor Dr G N Saibaba, a group of professors, writers and filmmakers spoke against the order of the Nagpur Bench of Bombay High Court rejecting Saibaba’s bail plea. In a statement issued Thursday, professors from various universities, including DU, JNU, Jamia Millia Islamia, writer Arundhati Roy and filmmaker Sanjay Kak among others condemed the order. “The intolerance of the higher judiciary to the voices of dissent has reached another peak… the denial of bail to Dr Saibaba is an attack on all our democratic rights. We condemn in unison the rejection of bail and quashing his interim bail as well as Arundhati Roy’s freedom of speech,” the statement issued by Committee for the Defence and Release of G N Saibaba read.

Besides rejecting Saibaba’s bail plea, the court had also charged Roy with criminal contempt for writing about Saibaba’s imprisonment and the denial of bail. Criticising the “vindictiveness and vendetta” in the court order, Supreme Court lawyer Prashant Bhushan said, “This order is not merely unfortunate, but also underlines the need for judicial accountability in the country. It shows sections of judiciary do not have understanding of criminal law or any sensitivity towards the fundamental rights of a citizen.”

He added, “Under three conditions an application for bail may be rejected — if there is a risk of the person fleeing the country, if the person is convicted of a heinous crime and the court is convinced that the accused can commit a similar crime if released and if the person may tamper with evidence. In Saibaba’s case, none of these apply…he has a serious health condition… this order reeks of vindictiveness… It’s the product of a prejudiced mind…” A single-judge bench of Bombay High Court at Nagpur has cancelled the bail of Saibaba, accused of having links with the banned CPI (Maoist), and asked him to report back within 48 hours, or risk facing arrest. He was arrested in May 2014 under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

On July 3, a two-judge bench of the High Court granted him bail following reports of his health deteriorating during his 14-month jail stay. Wheelchair-bound Saibaba is over 90% disabled. He has been paralysed from below the waist since contracting polio in childhood. Saibaba’s wife G Vasantha lashed out against the order, saying she wants to file a case against the “system” that had worsened her husband’s physical condition. “When he was incarcerated, only his legs were not working. Now his left hand has been rendered useless. There were stones in his bladder when he returned. He can’t even wear his own shirt now,” she said, adding that the case against him was a “witchhunt”.

http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/denial-of-bail-to-saibaba-an-attack-on-democratic-rights-du-professor-supporters/

Maoists kill former sarpanch in Chhattisgarh

A former village sarpanch (local-self government institution head), identified as Hadma Ram (45), was abducted and killed by the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres on the suspicion of being a ‘Police informer’ in Dantewada District on December 23, reports The Business Standard. The former sarpanch of Nilawaya village panchayat (local-self government institution), was found lying in a pool of blood on Aranpur-Sameli road near his native place under Aranpur Police Station limits. “The victim had been abducted by some armed Naxals from his house at Armebandi Para in Nilawaya last night and his body was found this morning on the road, located around 450 kms away from the state capital, following which police were informed,” a Police official said…

..Kanker District recorded 179 incidents of Maoist violence, while witnessing 14 deaths and loss of property of over INR 90.08 million between 2013-14 and November 15, 2015, informed State Home Minister Ramsevak Paikra in the Chhattisgarh Assembly on December 21, reports The Pioneer…

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/detailed_news.asp?date1=12/25/2015&id=2#2

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Three alleged PBCP cadre gunned down by RAB in Tangail

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3 ‘PBCP outlaws’ killed in ‘gunfight’ with Tangail Rab

Three alleged Purba Bangla Communist Party (PBCP) outlaws were killed early today in what law enforcers said gunfight in Tangail Sadar upazila. The deceased were identified as Omar, chief of the Tangail Sadar PBCP unit, Kasem and Saddam – two top listed terrorists, our correspondent reports. The “gunfight” took place at Omarpur village with Rapid Action Battalion (Rab), the elite force which has drawn widespread flak for extrajudicial killings, around 3:50am.

“We were tipped-off on a secret meeting of the PBCP,” said Md Mohiuddin Faruki, commander of crime prevention company-3 of Rab-12 in the region. Rab members cracked down on the area. Sensing their presence, the outlaws opened fire compelling the law enforcers to fire back, the Rab official said. “Afterwards, we found three criminals lying on the spot. Some seven to eight others managed to flee. We found two foreign pistols, two double barrel guns and seven bullets from the spot,” he said. The victims were declared dead when taken to Tangail Medical College Hospital.

http://www.thedailystar.net/country/3-%E2%80%98pbcp-outlaws%E2%80%99-killed-%E2%80%98gunfight%E2%80%99-tangail-rab-191956

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Statement of condemnation of the order to send Dr. G.N. Saibaba back to prison

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COMMITTEE FOR THE DEFENSE AND RELEASE OF DR GN SAIBABA

It is shocking to hear the news that Dr. G.N Saibaba’s application for permanent bail was rejected today by the Nagpur Bench of Bombay High Court. What is further appalling is that the High Court has also dismissed Saibaba’s interim bail order (Criminal Application No.785/2015), that was issued by a division bench led by the Chief Justice of Bombay High Court Justice Mohit Shah along with Justice Shukre on 30/06/2015 which granted him interim relief which in turn was extended by the same division bench till 31st December 2015, to avail treatments for his serious medical conditions. It was only after many democratic voices raised an alarm about the rapidly failing health condition of Saibaba, that the Bombay High Court intervened on the basis of a letter written to the Chief Justice by an activist named Purnima Upadhyay. The letter, which was suo moto converted to a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the High Court, resulted in Dr. Saibaba being granted temporary bail. Interrupting his ongoing treatment, the new judgment by a single judge of the Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court has ordered Dr. Saibaba to surrender himself to the Nagpur prison within 48 hours! The order further states upon failure to do so, he shall be arrested by the police.

Dr G N Saibaba—a wheel chair bound, 90 percent disabled professor teaching English literature at the Ram Lal Anand College in Delhi University—is currently undergoing treatment after he was released on bail on medical grounds. The highly inhospitable conditions of the notorious anda cell of the Nagpur Central Jail had further deteriorated his multiple health problems. The extreme insensitivity of the prison authorities clubbed with a vengeful administrative apparatus coordinated from the Centre had nearly ensured that the medical complications had become life-threatening. This is demonstrative of the level of cruelty with which a differently-abled person is treated in the prison!

After his release on temporary bail, Dr. Saibaba has been undergoing treatment in various hospitals in Delhi for multiple health problems pertaining to the heart, spinal cord, kidneys, gall bladder and the left shoulder (which had became totally dysfunctional in prison owing to muscle death). The treatment that Saibaba is being subject to is far from being over and needs to continue under specialist doctors and can happen only in Delhi. The doctors who were treating him have unambiguously stated the same. In this situation the cancellation of his bail and forcing him back to the same hostile prison is going to seriously affect his health conditions, probably beyond any recuperation. The rejection of bail in this situation therefore is unacceptable and inhuman.

But more than being just inhuman and insensitive, what this yet again lays bare is the intolerance of the Indian state towards any voice of dissent. The fact that it can go to the extent of yet again putting a ninety percent disabled professor back in anda cell after being released last time from near-fatal conditions is deeply disconcerting. The well-designed framing and branding by the corporate media, the sensationalized police raids at his warden’s flat in Delhi Univ., the abduction of Saibaba by the Maharashtra police, his subsequent incarceration in May 2015 were all part of a desperate attempt at silencing dissent. It is a part of Indian state’s brutal war on the tribal people in Central and Eastern India codenamed Operation Green Hunt. It is aimed at silencing one of the most prominent and effective voices against Green Hunt and the Indian state’s anti-people policies introduced under the garb of “development”. The current interruption in his medical treatment, after pushing him to the verge of death inside prison, only shows the desperation with which the state wants to silence such voices of dissent.

The glaring instances of state’s fascist tendencies is yet again laid bare when the same High Court judgment that cancelled Saibaba’s bail petition also ordered proceedings for criminal contempt to be initiated against Arundhati Roy for her article titled Professor, POW against GN Saibaba’s incarceration that was published in Outlook magazine on 18th May, 2015. The Order has issued notice to the author for action for contempt of Court, returnable on 25.01.2016. We condemn this outright throttling of freedom of speech and expressions.

Finally, it is rather disturbing that while all the five other co-accused in the same case along with GN Saibaba has already been granted regular bail, a ninety percent disabled professor is being denied the same. We condemn this rejection of permanent bail of GN Saibaba and the quashing of his interim bail in no uncertain terms and appeal to all progressive and democratic people to immediately stand up to such a travesty of justice. We must in unison ensure by any and every means possible that Dr. GN Saibaba is not incarcerated once again. At a time when fascism is tightening its tentacles and choking our voices, such occasions as this demands that we show the limits of our tolerance towards such injustice being meted out in the name of law under the garb of democracy.

Sd-/

Hany Babu M T

Associate Professor, University of Delhi

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A Reactionary Philosophy that Stands on its Head-1976

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A criticism of Teng Hsiao-ping’s sophistic tactics in opposing the restriction of bourgeois rights

Hung Yu

Inside “On the General Program for All Work of the Party and the Country” concocted on instructions from Teng Hsiao-p’ing, the arch unrepentant capitalist-roader within the Party, no mention is made of struggle against Party persons in power taking the capitalist road, nor is there any mention of the restriction of bourgeois rights, on which the capitalist roaders rely for peace and stability. This is by no means a matter of coincidence but the inevitable exposure of Teng Hsiao-p’ing’s bourgeois nature.

In his directive on the question of theory, Chairman Mao clearly points out that regarding bourgeois rights, “they can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat.”

Although “On the General Program” touches on this directive of Chairman Mao’s, it does not say a word about the most important content of this directive-the restriction of bourgeois rights. This is sufficient to show that what Teng Hsiao-p’ing calls the need to study Chairman Mao’s directive on the question of theory is completely false and what is true is his opposition to the dictatorship of the proletariat and the restriction of bourgeois rights.

Doesn’t Teng Hsiao-p’ing openly cry that “in order to restrict bourgeois rights, there must also be a material foundation; otherwise, how is restriction to be effected?” This most clearly shows that Teng Hsiao-p’ing actually opposes the restriction of bourgeois rights on the grounds that conditions are not available for restricting bourgeois rights.

Since Teng Hsiao-p’ing is opposed to the restriction of bourgeois rights, he naturally is also opposed to the criticism of bourgeois rights. Nevertheless, he plays another trick, saying that even if “criticism” has to be made, only the idea of bourgeois rights can be “criticized.”

This is in fact to sever the idea of bourgeois rights from the bourgeois rights arising from it. The consequence is bound to be the “criticism” of the idea of bourgeois rights on the one hand, and the unrestricted strengthening and extension of bourgeois rights on the other. Such a trick played by Teng Hsiao-p’ing takes standing philosophy on its head as its ideological foundation. This kind of reactionary philosophy must be throughly criticized.

First, this kind of philosophy takes away the actual foundation of the idea of bourgeois rights, and describes it as something independent and divorced from bourgeois rights. A basic viewpoint of Marxist philosophy is “the need to explain social consciousness with social being” (Selected Works of Lenin, Vol.II p.584) While “conceptual things are nothing more then reformed material things transferred into human minds.” (After Forward to 2nd Edition of Das Kapital Vol.I, Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol. II p.217) The idea of bourgeois rights is a reflection of bourgeois rights in man’s mind. There are still bourgeois rights in socialist society, and this is the objective foundation which makes possible the indefinite existence and functioning of the idea of bourgeois rights.

However in Teng Hsiao-p’ing’s philosophy which stands on its head, the idea of bourgeois rights seems to have become the decisive thing of prime importance, the thing which determines rather then relying upon social being. Therefore, bourgeois rights “are forgotten and distorted by idealism “right from the beginning” (Extracts from Hegel’s “Recorded Speeches on History of Philosophy” Collected Works of Lenin Vol.XXXVIII p.324) According to this kind of idealist philosophy that stands on its head, the restriction of bourgeois rights becomes “an infeasible truth”, which the handful of counter-revolutionaries yelled when staging the T’ienanmen Square incident.

Next, this kind of philosophy has taken away from the idea of bourgeois rights its concrete class content and turned it into a class concept that stands above classes. Marxist philosophy holds that any social consciousness in class society has its specific class content. For example, the idea of bourgeois rights is what the bourgeoisie looks upon as the “concept of their having the prerogative to exploit the workers.” (Engels: “On the Question of Housing” Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol.II p 476)

Only by fully understanding the class essence of the idea of bourgeois rights can we heighten our understanding of the necessity to restrict bourgeois rights. Otherwise the idea of bourgeois rights can only be criticized falsely while bourgeois rights are genuinely shielded.

What is the fact? Like Teng Hsiao-p’ing, such unrepentant capitalist-roaders within the Party are also opposed to criticizing the idea of bourgeois rights. For instance, such typical ideas of bourgeois right as “study in order to become officials”, “private ownership of knowledge” pursuit of the “White and expert” road, “acquiring fame and prestige” should have been criticized according to logic!

However the Teng Hsiao-p’ing type of capitalist roaders within the Party yell that “they cannot be unanalytically criticized.” After their “analysis” these corrupt ideas all become things that stand above classes and are “good to the People’s Republic of China.” Therefore, he can carry on his sinful activities in strengthening and extending bourgeois rights and restoring capitalism.

Next again, the kind of philosophy negates the important role of revolutionary practice. Marxism fully affirms the dynamic role of social consciousness and emphasizes the importance of struggle in the ideological sphere, but it particularly attaches significance to the enormous role of revolutionary practice in transforming the objective world under the guidance of the correct ideology.

The criticism of the idea of bourgeois right is doubtless very important, but this cannot replace entirely the restriction of bourgeois rights in actual life. Teng Hsiao-p’ing’s sinister attempt in advocating that the idea of bourgeois right can only be “criticized” in isolation is to negate the significance of revolutionary practice, write off a section of revolutionary measures adapted by our Party for restricting bourgeois rights, smother a large number of socialist new things for restricting bourgeois rights on all sides and cover up his true image in transforming the idea of bourgeois right into restorationist action.

The philosophy which stands on its head publicized by Teng Hsiao-p’ing is no new invention.

In the worker’s movement, the opportunists and new and old revisionists, for the sake of opposing the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, have all vociferously peddled this kind of idealist philosophy that stands on its head because it is particularly suitable to the political need of the reactionary class on the decline to deceive and corrupt the masses of the people and to defend and restore the old things.

Liu Shao-ch’i, Lin Piao, Teng Hsiao-p’ing and the capitalist-roaders within the Party of their kind-similar to the reactionary class on the decline in history-all go against the historical tide and have no truth in their hands. Therefore [they] can only seek help from this kind of reactionary philosophy that stands on its head. Liu Shao-ch’i chanted for several decades his idealist “self-cultivation”, and Lin Piao openly advocated “to reverse” Marxist historical materialism and publicized with every effort the fallacy of “eruption of revolution in the depth of the soul.”

What they worshiped is precisely this kind of philosophy which stands on its head-subjective idealist philosophy. At the time of opposing the restriction of bourgeois rights, Teng Hsiao-p’ing toys with sophistic tactics. This is determined by his subjective idealist world outlook. His ideology is “characterized by the breach between the subjective and the objective, the separation of knowledge from practice.” (Chairman Mao “On Practice”) He fundamentally ignores objective existence and the practice of struggle by the people, overestimates his own counter-revolutionary “subjective” force and underestimates the strength of the masses of people.

As he sees it, so long as he plays with sophistic tactics and casts forth the philosophy that stands on its head, he can befuddle and hoodwink the masses, and hence continue to strengthen and extend bourgeois right and practice his own fraudulent deals for restoring capitalism.

However the proletariat armed with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung thought is an irresistible “material force which changes society and changes the world.” (Chairman Mao, “Where Do Correct Ideas Come From?”) Such kind of capitalist roaders within the Party as Teng Hsiao-p’ing can only be swept by the proletariat onto the garbage pile of history together with their philosophy which stands on its head.

Marx points out: “Nothing can prevent us from integrating our criticism with political criticism, and with the clearcut political stand of these people. Hence, we also integrate our criticism with actual struggle and look upon criticism and actual struggle as one and the same thing.”

(“Excerpts from Letters in the German-French Almanac” Collected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol.I, pp 417-418) We must adhere to these several “integrations” mentioned by Marx, thoroughly criticize Teng Hsiao-p’ing’s reactionary philosophy which stands on its head, link the criticism of the idea of bourgeois right and the criticism of bourgeois right with the restriction of bourgeois right, consolidate and develop the achievements gained from the restriction of bourgeois right, carry through to the end the continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat and gradually create conditions which make it impossible for the bourgeoisie to exist or to emerge again.

Survey of People’s Republic of China Press #6204 (76-42). (Peking Kuang-ming Jih-pao, August 31, 1976)

 

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People’s War in India Clippings 23/12/2015

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Security forces destroy Maoist’s training camp

Security forces today destroyed a training camp being run by the Maoists in a forest in Jamui district, a police officer said. During a two-day combing-cum-search operation against the proscribed CPI(Maoist) in the forest area near Kumartari village, the security forces destroyed a training camp being run by the ultra earlier in the day, Additional Superintendent of Police (ASP), Operations, D N Pandey said. Scores of Maoists present at the training camp managed to escape deep in the forest with arms and ammunition and left behind two trunks containing uniform, belt, shoes, magazine, medicine, besides naxal literature all of which have been seized, he said. The security forces comprised of CRPF, SSB, Black Cat commandos, SAP and district police, Pandey said.

http://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/security-forces-destroy-maoist-s-training-camp-115122300576_1.html

‘Protest week’ begins

The first day of ‘protest week’ against bauxite mining called by the CPI (Maoist) passed off peacefully in the Visakha Agency on Tuesday. But tension continued to prevail as the Maoists killed an “informer” on Monday in spite of increased combing operations by the police and the CRPF. Locals fear more violent incidents during the week. Trainee SIs of Greyhounds were sent to the Agency police stations while intensive and frequent checks of vehicles and passers-by on the main roads was continuing.

Policemen reportedly asked traders on their way to Pedabayalu weekly shandy on Monday and the Boosiputtu shandy on Tuesday to produce their identity. This resulted in several traders staying away from the shandies. Meanwhile, protest by opposition parties against the move to conduct Araku Utsav from December 25 to 27 continued for the third day. Locals were not happy over the administration’s decision to conduct Araku Utsav from December 25 while postponing the Visakha Utsav in the city to January 1 to 3 after some Christian leaders did not want it to commence on the Christmas day. Locals also found it not wise on the part of the government to conduct Araku Utsav during the protest week of the Maoists.

http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-andhrapradesh/protest-week-begins/article8020697.ece

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League of Poor Peasants: The agrarian revolution faces state terrorism

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Jonathan V. Pacheco Rodrigues is a student of economics at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro and member of the Brazilian Center for Solidarity with the Poor (Cebraspo).

In the history of Brazil several peasant revolts have occurred and intense agrarian conflicts have never ceased. The 2014 Annual Report of the Pastoral Land Commission contains 793 complaints of agrarian conflicts, with more than 600 thousand people involved. Peasant organizations fighting a concentrated agrarian structure of large landholdings, which is certainly the main cause of this type of conflict is a constant over many years of history.

Although the law that established the first steps of “land reform” in Brazil (Law 4.504, 1964) remains in force with some alterations, and the 1988 Constitution reaffirms the duty of the state to break up unproductive landholdings, this country continues to have one of the highest concentrations of landownership in the world.

Data from the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) show that out of the whole area of land holdings registered in Brazil in 2014, 47.23 per cent are large farms, while small farms represent only 10.2 percent of the total. Even after the 2002 election of Lula, who always defended land reform in speeches before being elected and had candidates supported by the largest peasant movement in Brazil, the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) – there were no significant advances in the distribution of large estates.

Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s government allocated less land then his predecessor Fernando Henrique Cardoso. In the administration of his successor, Dilma Rousseff, also of the Workers Party (PT), we seen the worst indicators related to land reform in the past twenty years. Facing an agrarian reform project of the State that for 50 years ago has not democratized access to land and has only disappointed the segment of the population expecting effective results, various peasant organizations persist in the struggle for land. Some focus their action on pressuring the state to enforce the law and settle families on land that is not fulfilling a social function.

The League of Poor Peasants (LCP) is one of the leading organizations fighting for land in Brazil. However, it does not focus on the enforcement of land reform, but strives for an “agrarian revolution” to break up the large landholdings. Like other campesino organizations which have suffered from state repression and violence by armed groups in the service of landowners, the LCP has faced the murder of several of its leaders, in the midst of the struggle for land and for the implementation of its program of Agrarian Revolution.

On October 22, 2014, in Pedras de Maria da Cruz,in Minas Gerais state, the peasant leader Cleomar Rodrigues de Almeida, 46, was killed with a shotgun in an ambush near the area where he lived. He was leader of the LCP of Minas Gerais and southern Bahia, another state. Cleomar helped lead the people’s court (as the LCP terms the division among the peasants of the land taken from the large owners) in dozens of areas of the agrarian revolution, and organized along with comrades production of honey in the area where he lived and in 2014 contributed the honey produced by them to help political prisoners and persecuted activists in Rio de Janeiro during the FIFA World Cup.

The death of Rodrigues Cleomar follows a similar script to other assassinations of leaders, where farmers meet with representatives of the State to denounce threats from landowners and gunmen, and regularize their property and are later killed in ambushes. A few days before his murder, on October 9, Cleomar participated in a public hearing with the government, the Public Ministry and the command of the military police, denouncing threats by landowners and involvement of police and a bailiff in attempts to evict peasants from the lands taken by the Agrarian Revolution. Nothing was done.

“He was an example of why we should have no illusions about the State which refuses land and denies water to farmers. Breaking any illusion the public prosecutor denied justice to this comrade. How many times was he threatened? What happened? Nothing! No action was taken. ”

In May 2015, farmers in the area where Cleomar lived and worked opened the Cleomar Rodrigues de Almeida Popular School. The school was built by the farmers themselves and teaches beginning literacy,reading, writing, mathematics and general knowledge. This was a victory for popular organization. Despite the intimidation and terror promoted by large landowners, the LCP remains firm in its goal of seizing all large landholdings independent of the state, and making the Agrarian Revolution in Brazil.

Spanish language text

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A New Type of Production Relations in a Socialist Enterprise-1976

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-An account of how the Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory observes the “Charter of the Anshan Iron and Steel Works” and effects the system of “two-way learning on the sport”

In what way can an enterprise establish a new type of socialist relations of production and continue to improve it? How can we prevent leaders of an enterprise, as servants of the people, from gradually degenerating into capitalist roaders and members of the bureaucratic class, and how can we prevent the working masses, masters of the enterprise, from being reduced once again to hired hands?

Through what means can we ensure that the leadership of an enterprise will be firmly kept in the hands of genuine Marxists and the working masses?

Chairman Mao’s series of important directives issued during the Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the struggle to beat back the right deviationists who attempted to reverse correct verdicts have indicated the right direction and approach for resolving the above problems.

In which way should these directives be implemented in an industrial enterprise? Many advanced industrial units have answered this question with their own actions. The Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory is one of them. At the high tide of criticizing Deng in depth, we paid a visit to the factory.

To our excitement, we saw with our own eyes a brand new scene of how a socialist enterprise operates.

Fresh Experience in Managing a Socialist Enterprise

Because of the Cultural Revolution the political movements concerning the criticism of Lin and Confucius, the study of the theory of proletarian dictatorship, and especially the great ongoing struggle to criticize Deng’s counter-revolutionary revisionist line and repulse the right deviationist attempt to reverse correct verdicts, the Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory has gained new ground in its effort to launch in depth the mass movement of learning from Taching in industry and adhering to the “Charter of the Anshan Iron and Steel Works”.

Fresh experience has been gained in organizing the cadres to take part in physical labor and the workers to participate in management. They have initiated a system of “two way learning on the spot” in which each cadre takes a turn in workshops a hundred days a year while groups of workers serve for four to six months in offices, participating in management.

Throughout the entire factory, cadres who were divorced from manual labor have mastered at least one production skill, while the secretary of the factory Party committee and his deputies, five in all, have learned to do two or three kinds of technical production work.

When they work in the workshops, they are assigned to the daytime or nighttime shift like other workers and fulfill the same required production tasks. With the workers, they take part in study and criticism conducted by teams and squads. Workers from the forefront of production are sent to the factory headquarters in turns, undertaking leadership and administrative jobs in offices and sections.

When their assignments to the headquarters are completed, they return to their former teams and squads.

In addition to the above, mass management committees are set up at the team and squad levels and various types of worker’s administrative groups are established in workshops. As a rule workers who directly participate in the administration of the factory account for more then a third of the total number of workers.

Acting in the capacity of masters of both the state and the factory, the workers exercise revolutionary supervision over the cadres. On top of that, the extensive participation in administrative work on the part of the workers has continuously propelled institutional reforms in the superstructure.

Having streamlined the factory organization, administrative personal now only account for 8 percent of the total number of staff members and workers in the factory.

The revolutionary practice of “two learning on the spot” has brought about a revolutionary and profound change in the relations among men, among units, and between the cadres and the masses in the factory. They have made new breakthroughs in such areas as the drive to restrict bourgeois rights and gradually narrow the three major differences, the effort to formulate regulations and conventions convenient for the masses in order to establish a revolutionary order and discipline, and in their endeavor to promote productive capacity.

Cadres Voluntarily Toil as Workers

During the past few years, it has become a voluntary practice for leading cadres of the Shanghai Watch and Clock Factory to learn on the spot in certain grass-roots units and take part in production labor.

Let’s begin with some examples.

In March this year, according to schedule, it was the turn of Lu Wen-hsi, secretary of the factory Party committee, to learn on the spot and take part in physical labor in the No. 3 Workshop. At that time, the entire factory was ablaze with the struggle to criticize Deng, a campaign that was in need of leadership.

However it was the opinion of the Party committee that sending Party leaders to participate in production labor at this juncture would strengthen the leadership rather then weakening it.

Old Lu took part in labor like other workers and learned from the masses while working along with them. At the same time, he punctually brought back to the Party committee, the masses fresh experience in criticizing Deng so that the committee could give instructions to the factory as a whole and step by step guide the progress of the campaign against Deng.

Deputy Committee Secretary Ch’ou Chin-tao was in charge of the entire factory’s production. After Lu’s turn to labor at the lower levels, Ch’ou went on to learn on the spot by participating in production labor in the pilot manufacturing group for new products.

The maxim of the cadres at the Shanghai Watch and Clock Factory is that they should learn how to toil as workers. They bear in mind the historical experience of the Paris Commune, namely that it was necessary to prevent cadres from “seeking their particular interests” after the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship (Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Chinese edition Vol.2 p 334).

They are constantly on the alert not to convert the power in their hands into privilege. To join the workers in their struggle, every year during the hot season, the cadres go to the hottest and dirtiest spot to take part in production. The cadres regularly make public to the entire factory the number of days in each month that they engaged in direct production work.

As for workers who take part in management in the headquarters of the factory, the cadres frequently report to them concerning the progress of the factory’s work and also concerning the cadre’s own views and ideas.

To intensify the struggle to criticize Deng, the cadres often invite workers to join the sessions of the Party Committee twice a week so that the workers can educate the cadres in the studies and expound any specific topic concerning the criticism of Deng. On festive occasions, the cadres and workers rehearse, sing revolutionary songs, and stage plays and operas together.

Why is it that cadres in this factory can persist in taking part in labor and voluntarily toil as workers?

The basic reason is that the vast numbers of cadres, through the education of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, have come to understand that these two requirements constitute a major aspect of their commitment to prevent and combat revisionism. What was the relationship between the cadres and workers prior to the Cultural Revolution when Liu Shao-chi’s counter revolutionary revisionist line was dominant. Here is how the workers describe things at that time: “The factory manager’s office was an impassable threshold which the workers had no right to step across. As a turnip is only allowed to grow in its hole, a worker was obliged to work quietly where he belonged.”

The workers looked upon this kind of relationship as one between a cat and a mouse; the cadres thought it was designed to uphold the cadre’s privileges and guarantee that they could run the enterprise well. Whenever the worker tried to initiate a technical innovation, they had to present their case to seven related offices and sections for their approval, involving altogether twenty-three procedures.

The revisionist oriented supervision, barriers, and pressure reduced the workers into hired hands and put the cadres in a position sharply conflicting with the workers.

Like a rainstorm, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution washed away the mud and slops left over from the revisionist line pursued by Liu Shao-ch’i. The broad masses of workers broke down the evil traditions which restrained their initiative and created a new situation in which the working class, led by the Party, retains the leadership over the enterprise.

Under the guidance of the Party committee, cadres in the entire Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory persist in taking part in production labor as ordinary workers. By working with the workers, the cadres learned through personal contact the fine character of the working class and the worker’s lofty spirit of behaving themselves as the masters of the enterprise.

They became aware of the extreme importance of improving relations between the leadership and the masses. Deputy Secretary of the Factory Party Committee Chao hsiu-hua was assigned to work on the morning shift in the materials section of No.2 Workshop. On the first day he got to the workshop punctually at six o’clock in the morning. However, he found he was late, for it had become a regular practice over the past few years for workers in the section to start work ahead of schedule.

As Little Chao had had no knowledge of this beforehand, he was deeply impressed. He realized that cadres were liable to estrange themselves from the masses once they stopped taking part in production labor.

Without sharing the joys and hardships of the masses, the cadres could not appreciate the working masses and learn from them. From that time on, Little Chao has consciously and persistently participated in labor and mingled with the workers as an ordinary laborer.

Deputy Secretary of the Factory Party Committee Liu Chih-lung is a new cadre from a worker’s background. Once when he was assigned to learn on the spot and do production labor in the arc-shaping section, he found a worker cutting a stamp while on the shift. Liu was angry and wanted to criticize the worker. However, since Liu remembered that one has no right to speak without having conducted an investigation beforehand, he decided to have a heart to heart talk with the worker.

What he discovered through the talk was a great surprise to him. The workers had succeeded in making a new technical innovation. To distinguish the specifications of different products, they needed nine sets of stamps. In order to save state expenditure, the worker took the initiative and cut the stamps on his own.

After this episode, Liu made a penetrating examination of his own sentiments at the full meeting of the factory’s cadres. He questioned himself about why his attitude towards the workers was liable to change after he himself had been promoted to a cadre. This incident showed that, though a new cadre himself, he was susceptible to the influence and erosion of ideas about upholding bourgeois rights.

For this reason, even a new cadre from a worker’s background should pay attention to placing himself in the right position when dealing with the masses. It is a revisionist idea to regard a cadre as someone who takes charge of workers. It is therefore a bad idea and we should never allow ourselves to be affected by it. The strict demands Liu Chih-lung made on himself served as an education to the cadres throughout the factory.

Chairman Mao taught us: “Management is socialist education in itself. If administrative personnel do not practice the three unities with the workers in workshops and sections and respect them as teachers from whom they can learn a few skills, they will be locked all their lives in a state of severe class struggle with the working class and will finally be knocked out by the workers as capitalists. Without gaining technical know-how and by remaining an outsider all the time, one can never be a good administrator. It is impossible for a muddlehead to give explicit directions to others.”

In association with their own experience of doing production labor in fixed units at the grassroots level, responsible comrades of the factory Party committee, as well as cadres in offices and sections, conscientiously studied this important directive of Chairmen Mao. They further understood that in order for the leaders of a socialist enterprise to throughly break away from the revisionist line pursued by Liu Shao-ch’i, Lin Piao and Teng Hsiao-p’ing, completely disassociating themselves from the old relations of production as well as conventional ideas, they have no choice but to toil as an ordinary worker and perseveringly take part in collective production labor.

Through participation in labor, they improve the relations between the leadership and the masses and realize a fundamental transformation of their own world outlooks. Right now, the vast numbers of cadres and masses in the factory carry forward the fine tradition of cadres and masses sharing each other’s joys and hardships, a tradition which prevailed during the period of revolutionary war. They have gained fresh ground in developing socialist production relations and created a new political situation in which both the cadres and the masses are active in thinking and united as one in fighting for a common goal.

Workers have truly become masters of the enterprise

The worker’s participation in managing the enterprise constitutes a major aspect of “two way learning on the spot”. As group after group of workers has taken part in administrative work and exercised revolutionary supervision over the cadres, carefully helping and educating them, the Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory has undergone a tremendous change in its relations of production.

Take a small incident for example. Last June, several workers sat in on sessions of the nucleus study group held by the factory Party committee. They saw Hsu Ai-hsin, a member of the Party committee and branch secretary of the No. 1 Workshop, receive six phone calls in a row within ten minutes after he sat down for the study session. Then somebody beckoned to him from outside the meeting room.

He asked for leave and went away without returning.

The incident aroused the worker’s deep thinking and concern. Why were there so many people who wanted to consult Old Hsu and interrupt his study? The workers looked into the matter and found out that the six phone calls were all in reference to trifles. They felt that Old Hsu kept a tight hold on small matters but neglected major issues. The workers made Old Hsu understand what they saw in this situation, and their opinion sounded like a warning to him. Deeply moved, Old Hsu sincerely understood that the worker’s supervision indicated their concern and assistance for him.

Worker comrades in the factory said: “Participating in management and exercising supervision over cadres does not mean that we merely post wall posters. We must constantly and patiently come to the cadre’s aid with meticulous ideological advice. Only by doing so can we consider ourselves to be working in compliance with Chairman Mao’s teachings.”

Since workers can be assigned to work at leading posts and participate in leadership and management, can cooks be allowed to do the same? Last year a cook and Party member by the name of Yu Hsin-chi was recommended by his comrades to learn on the spot in the armed defense squad.

With a vigorous spirit, he learned to work hard and strengthen his ties with the masses. Adhering to political principles, he did a good job during his stay there. Not long after his return to the kitchen as a cook, the head of the defense squad was assigned to learn on the spot in a workshop. Yu was again invited to the squad and worked as its head for two months.

Again he achieved good results in his work, having a notable impact on the entire factory. Lenin once said: “Among the common people, that is the workers and peasant masses who do not exploit other’s labor, there is an extremely large number of people who have a talent for organization.” (“Current Task for Soviet State Power,” Selected Works of V.I.Lenin, Chinese Edition, Vol. 3, p.514). What Lenin said is a fact, is it not?

The historical period of socialism is an era during which declining capitalism and growing communism are locked in a protracted fight. Having workers participate in management is a factor embodying the growth of communism. Teng Hsiao-p’ing opposed the “Charter of the Anshan Iron and Steel Works” and pursued a revisionist line in running enterprises.

His purpose was to strangle socialist new things and nip elements of growing communism in the bud in an attempt to restore capitalism. Comrades of the Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory have opposed Teng’s line and have created fresh experience in having workers take part in management. This indicated the direction in which the management of a socialist enterprise should proceed.

Through the great revolutionary practice of persistently implementing the “Charter of the Anshan Iron and Steel Works” the Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory has effected profound changes in the two realms of the superstructure and the economic base. By adhering to the revolutionary system of “two way learning on the spot” in which cadre are allowed to participate in productive labor and workers in management, relations among people have become entirely different.

The workers say, “the cadres and the workers, though different in their division of labor are both masters of the enterprise.” The revisionist line pursued by Liu Shao-ch’i interfered with the cadres and workers and divided them into two separate camps by means of the division of labor prior to the Cultural Revolution. Sometimes they were even locked in a state of sharp class struggle. Now since they have adhered to the “Charter of the Anshan Iron and Steel Works” and implemented the system of “two way learning on the spot”, they have been as close to each other as a fish in water.

The system of “two-way learning on the spot” serves as an education for many cadres. They have arrived at an even deeper understanding of revolution after having studied Chairman Mao’s teaching that the bourgeoisie is “right in the Communist Party” and after having studied his major instructions on the Socialist Education Movement launched in 1964.

Said the cadres: “It was the revisionist line and the old relations of production that alienated cadres from labor and the masses. Leading cadres in our factory are all promoted from among the rank and file workers. However, if we were divorced from labor and the masses for a long time, holding ourselves loftily and acting as overlords, we would probably evolve into newly emerging bureaucrats and capitalist roaders who would finally be kicked out by the working class.”

“In the past,” they continued, “we spoke of adding a brick or a tile to the edifice of socialism. Now merely stating that is not enough. We must also add a pickax or a spade so that we can gradually dig away the soil engendering capitalism and the bourgeoisie. It is a great struggle during which we must prepare ourselves for the protracted fight ahead. We must persist in the struggle against the bourgeoisie in the Party and behave ourselves as proletarian revolutionaries all the time.”

Adherence to the policy of putting proletarian politics in command of everything as well as the continual improvement of production relations has propelled production in this factory rapidly forward.

The factory’s total output value in 1975 was 7.3 times that of 1965. During the ten years of Cultural Revolution it registered an average increase of 23 percent per year. Labor productivity rose by 5.6 times and production costs went down by 55 percent. The profit it turned over to the state increased by sixteen times, and it has completed more then a thousand items of technical innovation.

It has also succeeded in making many advanced machines and much advanced equipment. These include the automatic laser diamond drill, the automatic aligning machine, and the automatic spherical grinder which make it possible for the factory to develop its production in the direction of mechanization and automation.

All these facts bear ample evidence for Marx’s famous thesis that “the most powerful force of production is the revolutionary class itself.” To hell with Teng Hsiao-p’ing’s concept that “class struggle is dying out” and the theory that “productive forces decide everything.”

Under the guidance of Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, cadres and workers of the Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory use their brilliant accomplishments as ammunition to combat Teng Hsiao-p’ing’s crime of attempting to reverse correct verdicts and being the overall representative of the bourgeoisie inside and outside the Party and of all exploiting classes.

The Shanghai Clock and Watch Factory has always adhered to the “Charter of the Anshan Iron and Steel Works” and effected the system of “two-way learning on the spot” so that the worker masses can be mobilized on an extensive scale for participation in management.

All this serves as a powerful restriction on bourgeois right and also as a symbol indicating the tremendous and powerful changes which our country’s industrial front is now undergoing and must continue to undergo. Class struggle is the key link. The proletariat must hold it fast in its hands in order to propel the various socialist enterprises. Revolution commands production and revolution boosts production. As long as we adhere to Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line, we will achieve even greater growth in socialist productivity. The proletarian dictatorship in our country will be further strengthened and we will win still greater victories in our effort to advance the cause of socialism.

An NCNA Reporter and a Jen-min Jih-pao Reporter and Correspondent

Chinese Economic Studies, Fall 1977. (Translation of article from People’s Daily, July 18, 1976.)

 

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SKM statement on police execution of Yeliz Erbay and Şirin Öter

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İSTANBUL – Socialist Women’s Council (SKM)made a statement about Yeliz Erbay and Şirin Öter who were executed in Gaziosmanpaşa/Istanbul. SKM said, “Yeliz Erbay and Şirin Öter were executed when they were wounded. The bloody power executes the women to cow into submission. But the socialist women chose the resistence not submission.”

The police Anti-Terror Branch of Istanbul made a operation to a home in Karadeniz neighborhood of Gaziosmanpaşa. Yeliz Erbay and Şirin Öter were executed during the raid by saying they were killed ‘during the clash’. SMK made a statement about the execution. In the statement is said , “Fascist regime of the palace does not get enough blood. They are massacring dozens of people to break the will of self-government. The Palace changes into armed gangs an it kills revolutionary,socialist and patriotic people each day. Today two socialist women were executed. The socialist women were executed by the Palace and its power the AKP.”

In the statement also said , “The fascist junta of palace is executing the Kurdish women in Kurdistan and they are executing the socialist women in the West but they should know that they can not finish us with executing and killing us. We will demolish your palace.The women’s anger and the organization will demolish your palace. The comrades Yeliz Erbay and Şirin Öter are immortal! Revolutionary martyrs are immortal!”

Via Jinha News

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People’s War in India Clippings 22/12/2015

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19 Naxals arrested in Chhattisgarh

RAIPUR: As many as 19 Naxals were arrested today from separate places in the insurgency-hit Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, police said. Fifteen lower rung cadres were apprehended by a joint squad of security forces from the forests of Chintalnar police station limits of Sukma district, Sukma Superintendent of Police D Shravan told PTI… In a separate incident, three Naxals, including a woman, were arrested while they were allegedly planning to plant a bomb on Bispur-Pakhnar road under Darba police station limits of Bastar district in a bid to cause damage to security forces, a police official said… Moreover, a 20-year-old ultra Motu was arrested from Barsoor police station area of Dantewada district and a muzzle loading gun was seized from him, the official added.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/19-naxals-arrested-in-chhattisgarh/articleshow/50273490.cms

Maoist Poster Found in School

BARGARH :A Maoist poster was found from Project UGUP School in Kalangapali village under Bargarh Sadar police limits on Monday. The ultras protested the Polavaram dam project and issued threat to Special Security Officers (SPOs) in the district through the poster. The school is located close to the Bargarh Reserve Police Line, which houses the armoury and barracks of SOG jawans.

http://www.newindianexpress.com/states/odisha/Maoist-Poster-Found-in-School/2015/12/22/article3190073.ece

Maoists kill tribal man branding him police informer

Maoists allegedly killed an adivasi in G. Madugula mandal on Monday morning, after branding him a police informer. The reported killing also marked the beginning of the week-long bandh in the Agency area from Monday, called by the Andhra-Orissa Border Special Zonal Committee (AOBSZC) of the CPI (Maoist), protesting against the government move to mine bauxite in the Jerela area. As per reports, a team of the Maoists picked up one V. Satya Rao, (55), from Madathakonda village under G. Madugula police station limits on Sunday night and reportedly killed him after taking him to some interior part in the Agency area.

Before leaving the village, the Maoists branded him as police informer and warned the villagers to stay away from the police and officials who were supporting bauxite mining in the Jerela area. According to police, the body of Satya Rao was sighted between Madigaruvu and Kilamkota village in G. Madugula area, but it was yet to be recovered. “The body will be retrieved on Tuesday morning,” said a senior police officer, engaged in combing operation in the region. According to Paderu ASP Babujee, the deceased was an educated person and was active in the implementation of the NREG scheme in the village. “He would accompany villagers to government agencies for getting them the benefits of various schemes. This apparently upset the Maoists,” said the ASP.

http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Visakhapatnam/maoists-kill-tribal-man-branding-him-police-informer/article8015644.ece

Construction site firebombed in Jamui.

http://hindi.news18.com/news/bihar/maoist-sets-fire-in-jcb-machine-at-jamui-1168652.html

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