Palestinian women in Nablus launch boycott campaign for International Women’s Day




The Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees in Nablus marked International Women’s Day, March 8, with a women’s campaign for the boycott of Israeli goods to be conducted on a house-to-house basis, launched with a rally and march from Martyrs’ Square.

The event included various women’s organizations and representatives of Palestinian political organizations. Esmat Shakhshir spoke about the importance of the mass movement in supporting the Palestinian economy and boycotting the enemy’s products, as a form of resistance on the ground. This year, she noted, International Women’s Day comes alongside the Israeli Apartheid Week marked annually by boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign to boycott the occupation. She emphasized the importance of boycotting the occupation state as a whole and not just the products of the Zionist settlements.

The campaign will include visits by women’s groups to homes to discuss the importance of the boycott of Israeli goods, as well as in schools, universities and shops.


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People’s War in India Clippings 12/3/2016


Hindustan Times feature article on lumpen fascism in Jharkhand

..Jharkhand lies in the middle of the so-called “red corridor”, a string of states infested with Maoist insurgents who claim to be fighting for the rights of peasants, tribals and landless labourers. For years, the mineral-rich state served as a base for the insurgents who have been at the centre of India’s longest-running internal conflict that has taken more lives than the conflict in Kashmir. But unlike other “red-corridor” states, Jharkhand also has more than a dozen armed groups active in its forests, many of them breakaway factions of the CPI (Maoist). Though the state government has banned activities of several Left Wing Extremist (LWE) groups and security forces claim to be going after them, rights activists allege security agencies have covertly propped these terror gangs to use them against the Maoists. “In the early 2000s, police suffered severe losses at the hands of the Maoists.

As a strategy, they tried to split the CPI (Maoists) which led to the creation of several splinter groups. Police used these groups to gather information against the Maoists and pitched them to fight against them,” said a senior state police official. “The strategy to pitch one guerrilla gang against the other worked initially and security forces patted their backs as the Maoists receded from several areas. But today the other groups are out of the police’s control.” It’s tough to tell members of these armed gangs from the Maoists. They wear similar battle uniforms, camp in hiding in dense forests and control forest territories where they extort a levy from mining and development projects by the power of the gun. “The original Naxals (Maoists) had some kind of ideology, although questionable, and some principles. But the so-called splinter groups are nothing but corrupt extortionists and murderers,” said SN Pradhan, additional director general of police in Jharkhand.


As security agencies take sides in the war between Maoists and anti-Maoists, people’s lives and rights are the biggest casualty. A study by the Bindrai Institute of Research, Study and Action (BIRSA), a Jharkhand-based non-profit working on mining and tribal rights, shows that out of 519 civilian killings in the insurgency between 2009 and 2014, almost 50% were by non-Maoist groups. Every year, civilian killings by Maoists have come down but killings by non-Maoist groups have gone up. In 2014, more than 75% of civilian killings were caused by non-Maoist groups. “Earlier Maoists killed civilians, calling them police informers. Now anti-Maoist gangs kill them, calling them Maoist informers.

In a situation where so many armed groups are fighting a turf war and security forces are running several covert operations siding with one group or the other, as a civilian, you don’t know which side you should be on. You can be pulled into the war anytime,” said Gopinath Ghosh, a researcher at BIRSA. The Satbarua encounter is a classic example. According to the CPI (Maoist) statement, security agencies laid a trap using an “underground, anti-rebel armed group … nurtured by the security agencies” called the Jharkhand Jana Mukti Parishad (JJMP) to kill a Maoist area commander named Dr RK who planned to betray the party. Yadav – who knew the commander, police and JJMP members – was used as mediator to fix the meeting between Dr RK and JJMP kingpin Pappu Lohra at Satbarua. The commander had called his son and nephew to Satbarua in a taxi and another villager was asked to deliver food to the meeting. Once all the men gathered, they were killed in “cold blood” by Pappu Lohra “under the guidance” of security forces. Police also passed on some arms seized from Dr RK to the JJMP, said the statement. The allegation of collusion between the JJMP and security forces is not unfounded, admits a senior police official.

According to him, the JJMP came up in 2005 when Sanjay Yadav, a CPI (Maoist) area commander, started his own gang. “He was later killed and the gang became defunct. Intelligence agencies then inducted Pappu Lohra, another former Maoist commander, to revive the gang and pitched it against the Maoists. Today, Lohra acts as the main source of information against the Maoists,” he said. In another case that shows how the JJMP is violating human rights, Pappu Lohra and his men picked up 30-year-old Mahendra Thakur from his house in Latehar at gun-point in front of his family on August 31. The para-legal volunteer who provided legal aid to tribals and the poor in far-flung villages was brutally beaten for two days before his family secured his release. “I had been fighting against village level corruption in the Public Distribution System and panchayat scheme … Lohra and his men asked me why I was so concerned about the rights of the people. They threatened me not to trouble the officials. They released me after my family members made a police official call Lohra,” said Thakur, who now lives in hiding in Ranchi. He said police had taken no action on his FIR against Lohra so far.


The JJMP is not the only anti-Maoist armed group active in the state. The People’s Liberation Front of India (PLFI), the Tritiya Sammelan Prastuti Committee (TSPC), Pahadi Cheetah, Shanti Sena and Jairam Sahu Giroh are among a long list of such groups in Jharkhand. Today, almost every district with a Maoist presence also has a powerful non-Maoist armed group. The first to emerge was the TSPC following a caste dispute within the Maoists. In 2004, Dalit and tribal members in the CPI (Maoist) felt their concerns were not being addressed by upper caste Yadavs, prompting them to form their own gang under their leader Brajesh Ganju – with the backing of local police. The group controls coal-rich areas in Chatra and Palamu district, and wields more power than the Maoists in the coal belt. It also has enormous political clout in some districts with some members elected to local panchayats.

“In the initial years when the Maoists were after TSPC cadres, the police helped Ganju and his family. Since then, the group has only grown in size and power, and has waged a constant war against the Maoists,” said Ranchi-based journalist, Manob Chowdhury who has followed the activities of these groups for more than a decade. “In Lawalong block of Chatra, most panchayats have elected TSPC members as mukhias uncontested. Lawalong has huge mansions built by TSPC commanders. They even control a huge area in a tiger reserve where they cultivate opium.” One of the apparent victims of the clout of the TSPC was social activist Sunil Pandey who was killed on December 5 in Bhandar village by masked bikers in broad daylight.

Pandey had filed a PIL in the Ranchi High Court demanding an independent investigation into the alleged collusion of the state administration with the TSPC. Pandey had mentioned the names and phone numbers of some senior police officials, politicians and TSPC leaders in his PIL, and demanded an investigation into their call details. “He was under pressure to withdraw the petition. He was attacked twice in the past one year by unidentified men,” said Luv Pandey, Sunil’s elder brother. When asked if the TSPC was behind the killing, Luv said: “I won’t take names but the truth is police are growing one snake to kill the other. All these snakes are biting people.”

Groups like the JJMP and TSPC thrive on a levy collected from mining in the state. Jharkhand accounts for nearly a third of India’s coal, a quarter of its iron ore and 16% of copper. It is also rich in cobalt, bauxite, uranium, manganese and limestone. “Every mining company, private or PSU, has to pay a levy to the most powerful groups,” said a state intelligence official. “On average, Rs 80 crore is collected as a levy annually from one coal mine. The annual figure of extortion from mining and other bussinesses in the state can be anywhere between Rs 7,000 – Rs 10,000 crore. Easy money from mining also gets easy recruits in unemployed youth for the armed groups.” In return, the armed groups provide protection to mining companies and contractors, and at times, intimidate villagers to facilitate land acquisition on behalf of the companies. In a PIL filed in the Ranchi high court in December 2014, the Gram Sabha of Jala village in Latehar district alleged TSPC men threatened villagers when they opposed land acquisition for coal mining. “If a local doesn’t agree to give away land, the armed groups come into the picture and threaten with a gun,” said a resident of Khulari village near Magadh Coal mines…


Chhattisgarh: Two BSF men killed fighting Maoists

Two BSF personnel and four others were injured in an encounter with Maoists in Kanker district of Chhattisgarh in the early hours of Saturday. The encounter took place near the Chhotebethiya-Pakhanjore jungle axis of the district, officials said. A senior police officer said that a joint operation was launched by the 117 and 122 battalions as well as Chhattisgarh Police from the Chhotebetoya camp, deep in the jungles of the Bandeh area in Kanker. “The exchange of fire took place at around 2.30 am when the forces reached a river in the dense forests near Becha village. The Maoists opened indiscriminate fire, in which two BSF personnel were killed and four others were injured. They were all rushed to a hospital in Raipur,” a senior officer said. The BSF men who died were identified as Vijay Kumar and Rakesh Nehra. They were inducted into the force in 2011-12. The injured are Manoj Kumar, S Thomson, Jagdish K and Bappa D.

Anti-Naxal activist shot dead by Maoists

A 20-year-old anti-Naxal activist, who was kidnapped on March 3, was shot dead allegedly by Maoists at Jambiya village of Etapalli taluka here, police said today. The victim, Manoj Gota, who had been kidnapped by suspected Naxals, was shot dead last night and his body was dumped in the village, a police statement said. “Manoj, who was earlier working with an NGO called Bharat Jan Andolan, was now into farming at his native place. He had been actively raising voice against Naxals and was instrumental in spreading information about the Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act among the people,” it said. A case has been registered against unidentified rebels in this regard and anti-Naxal operations have been intensified in the area. Yesterday, a police constable had been shot by suspected Naxals at village Hedri in the taluka.


A police constable was shot dead allegedly by naxals in Hedri village in the district today. The incident happened at a market place when the ultras suddenly arrived at the spot and opened fire on the police personnel on bandobast duty, the police said. The bullets hit constable Deepak Shedmake, attached with Hedri Police Assistance Centre, who succumbed to his injuries, they said. The naxals fled in the direction of Surjagad hills, a press release issued by the district police said. Following the incident, anti-naxal operations have been intensified in the area.


Naxals today torched a private bus after asking its passengers to get down in insurgency-hit Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh, police said. The incident took place this evening near Bandepara village in Kutru police station area when the private bus was on its way to Bedre from Bijapur, district superintendent of police K L Dhruv told PTI. A group of 15-20 Naxals, some of them armed, stopped the bus near Bandepara, some 450 km from here. After asking the passengers to get down they set it afire. Sixteen passengers who were travelling by the bus are safe, the SP added. Security forces have launched a combing operation in the region following the incident. Naxals have given a call for general strike in south Bastar tomorrow, to protest alleged fake encounters.


Troops in border areas to get secure mobile phones: government

..”We are planning to provide secure mobile phones to all security personnel deployed along the borders and Naxal-affected areas so that they can keep in touch with their family via 3G connection. “The mobile phone would not be intercepted as we would be having the telephone exchange with us that can be carried by the concerned battalion wherever it goes,” he said addressing a security meet organised by the ASSOCHAM.

Chaudhary said he had recently met a delegation of a US-based company that claimed that it was ready to provide such a telephone exchange in a box and instantly start over 1,000 secure mobile phone connections, specifically for security personnel. Chaudhary said he had also met another delegation of another US-based company which was ready to provide blood-testing equipment that could process blood samples in just a few minutes thereby saving invaluable time of security personnel.

..Meanwhile, Maoists triggered a landmine blast killing a Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) head Constable and leaving 11 personnel injured in Morli forest area near Kunta town of Sukma District on March 11, reports The New Indian Express. The incident took place as CRPF personnel, deputed to ensure security to road works from Kunta to Gollapalli, were patrolling the area. Talking about the incident, Bastar Inspector General of Police (IGP) S.R.P. Kalluri said though they were taking all precautions, Maoists were able to strike back.

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People’s War in India Clippings 11/3/2016


Maoist posters appear in Gurabandha

Jamshedpur, March 7: Suspected Maoists put up posters against Gurabandha police station in-charge at Singhpura market on Monday. The incident took place when hundreds of villagers were in the market to purchase goods. On receiving information, police reached the market and seized the posters. In the posters written with red ink, the outlawed CPI Maoists has appealed to the villagers to evict the Gurabandha police station in-charge Kuldeep Kumar. The poster also alleged that Kumar harassed women and was against humanity.


CPI (Maoist) posters at Dantewada school.

Only 8 out of 40 killed by Bastar police were Maoists: Naxal leader

Says the rest were innocent villagers

Questioning Bastar IG SRP Kalluri’s claims of “eliminating” more than 40 Maoists in the first two months of 2016, Naxal leader Ganesh Uike said only eight of those killed belonged to his outfit. In a press statement, Uike, who is the secretary of the South Regional Committee of CPI (Maoist), claimed the Bastar police killed 40 people including seven women, in the name of anti-Maoist operations. He said, “Seventeen people were killed in Bijapur district, 12 in Sukma district, three in Dantewada, five in Kondagadon, and three in Bastar.

Out of these 40, only eight were members of our People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army. Rest of them were innocent villagers.” The dreaded Maoist leader also named the “innocent farmers and villagers” allegedly killed in “fake encounters”. “They (Bastar police) killed Gota Vinod, a farmer of Sendra village in Bijapur in front of the common public. Balsingh, Kosa and Masa were killed in the same fashion in Lakhpal village of Dantewada. Kursam Dharmmanna and Vatti Rajal, both villagers of Vanjalvaya village in Sukma, were picked up by the police from their homes and shot dead. Majji Budhram, Oyam Tulasi, Oyam Moti, Oyam Munna and Madkam Pandu, met the same fate near Peddajejjur village of Bijapur. All of them were innocent villagers,” he said.

Uike also accused the security forces of indulging in “molestation and gang rapes” of tribal women, and called for south Bastar Bandh on March 12. “But Kalluri and Raman Singh government claim to have killed Maoists. Any social organization, legal groups or journalists, who are trying to expose the reality of these killings, are being targeted by the police and the administration,” said Uike.

IED blast injures five CRPF officers in Raipur’s Naxal-affected area

Raipur: Five CRPF men, including two officers, were on Friday injured in an IED blast in Chhattisgarh’s Naxal violence affected Sukma district. The incident occurred in the jungles of Banda-Konta when a patrol party of 217 battalion had set out to provide security for an under construction road between Murliguda and Banda, Sukma Additional Superintendent of Police Santosh Singh told PTI. Two officers of Deputy Commandant rank — S Niwas and Prabhat Tripathi — and three other men were injured in the blast suspected to be from an improvised explosive device hidden beneath the dirt track by the Naxals, officials said.

Additional forces have been sent and the injured have been evacuated to Bhadrachalam and subsequently will be air lifted for the state capital here for medical care, they said. The team ventured out from the Murliguda paramilitary camp for patrolling at around 9 AM. When they reached just about 500 meters away from the camp, the personnel inadvertently stepped over a pressure IED connection triggering the blast, the ASP said.


Three hardcore Maoists carrying reward of Rs3 lakh each on their heads was arrested during an anti-insurgency operation carried out by security forces in Dantewada district of Bastar, police said on Thursday. A joint squad of District Reserve Group (DRG) and a team of local police from Barsoor police station nabbed the ultras based on intelligence inputs, Superintendent of Police (SP) Dantewada Kamlochan Kashyap informed. They were identified as Baman Podiyami (30), Mani Poyam (27) and Budhu Barsa (25), all residents of villages falling under the limits of Barsoor police station limits, he said. They were active as military platoon members in Indravati Area Committee of Abhujmad region, he said. Baman was associated with Maoist organization since 2005 and initially worked as Janmilita member and was later elevated as a member of platoon number 16 active in Mad division of the Naxals.

Prior to arrest, he was working as President of Naxal frontal organization Dandkaranya Kisan Adivasi Majdoor Sangh (DKAMS), the SP informed. According to him, Mani had also worked as the member of platoon number 16 while Budhu was a member of platoon number 17. They worked at ground level to strengthen the Maoist ideology and gather work force for Naxals.

Powerful explosives recovered in Kondagaon

Raipur, Mar 11 (PTI) A major tragedy was averted today when security forces recovered powerful explosives, including a 10-kg pipe bomb, from a dense forest pocket in the naxal-hit Kondagaon district while returning from patrolling operations. “The explosives were kept in a big empty plastic water tank which was hidden beneath earth near Totar village under Mardapal police station limits,” a senior police official told PTI. The explosives were found when security forces were returning after a combing operation they had launched from Mardapal to interior villages, around 300 kms away from the state capital, when they got a tip-off about a dump of explosives hidden between Kodenar and Totar.

They found two improvised explosives devices (IEDs) of 5kg each, a pipe bomb of 10 kg, five bundles of wire kept in a 500 litre plastic water tank placed beneath the earth, the official said, adding that a major mishap was averted following the recovery. The bombs were meant to harm security personnel during their operations in the region, he said. The explosives were immediately destroyed by a bomb disposal squad.


…Naxal-affected areas reported the most number of IED blasts with 131 explosions in 2015 followed by the North-East with 72 blasts, 14 in Jammu & Kashmir and 51 in rest of the country. The figures in 2014 was 98 in Naxal-affected States, 61 in North-East, 19 in Jammu & Kashmir and 12 in other parts of the country. The Naxal-hit States accounted for 49 per cent of total IED incidents last year. West Bengal (39 blasts), Chhattisgarh 39, Jharkhand 15 and Odisha (15) were the worst affected States in 2015. However, fatalities in North-East were higher with 52 casualties (42 per cent of total casualties) as against 46 deaths in Naxal areas last year.

Patrolling Starts in Maoist-Affected Districts

Ahead of Poll Patrolling has started in the four Maoist-affected districts of West Bengal, adjacent to Odisha and Jharkhand, as a precursor to the sealing of the border days ahead of the April 4 Assembly election there, officials said. A meeting of the magistrates of the Maoist-affected districts of West and East Midnapore, Purulia and Bankura as well as those of the border districts in Jharkhand and Odisha was held at the Midnapore circuit house today to chalk out security details.

West Midnapore DM J C Meena told reporters here at the end of the meeting that the border with East Singhbhum district in Jharkhand and Mayurbhanj and Baleswr districts in Odisha would be sealed once the nomination papers for the election were filed. Meena said that the officials of the border districts in the three states would review the situation periodically. The DM said that apart from patrolling, CRPF camps would be set up to sanitize the sensitive areas. Arrangement was also being made for aerial survey of the districts to prevent anti-socials from outside West Bengal to disturb peace during election, he said.

Injured rebel held in Palamu

Daltonganj: A CPI Maoist cadre identified as Birbal Parhaiyya was arrested at Kowwal village by Naudeeha police under Palamu’s Chhaterpur sub-division on Thursday morning. DSP Chhaterpur Sanjay Kumar confirming the arrest said Birbal was undergoing treatment for severe burn injuries caused by the accidental explosion of an improvised explosive device which Birbal was handling in the past.

He added that Birbal was at Kowwal over the last one week under the watch of two other Maoists Arvind Bhuiyan and Rakesh who were financing his medical expenses. Birbal hails from village Herhunj in Latehar district.

..The militant outfit Maoist Communist Party Manipur (MCP) claimed that two hand grenades found inside the complex of Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS), Imphal on Wednesday evening were left behind by party’s cadres as security personnel were present in the vicinity. An MCP statement said only one grenade was supposed to be planted by the cadres to target some officials of RIMS already warned by the outfit for their misdeeds.

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Association of Chinese Women Editorial-August 1976


“In the Socialist period, the principle target of the Revolution is the bourgeois elements in the Party…They are the most ferocious destroyers of the complete liberation of the masses of women..They brandish theories about the “backwardness of women” and the “uselessness of women” and affirm that “the destiny of the husband decides the destiny of the wife” and that “there must be no talk about freeing women from domestic work” etc..If women are made to share in productive industrial and agricultural work, it is in order to have a cheap labor force..As for culture these aristocratic and bourgeois persons value it only because it serves to “amuse” them, after their tea and wine..

We must wage a long struggle against the bourgeoisie both in and outside the Party..The more violent the reversion to the past is, the stronger the will of the revolutionary masses grows..The big officials exert a heavy oppressive pressure…on workers, on peasants, on women, on revolutionary youth. Working women, young women, feel great hatred for the bureaucratic class and their resolve to struggle is firm. There is nothing strange in this, for it is in harmony with the development of things…After Liberation, Confucian morality continued to spread its stench, to poison women. To free themselves completely women must smash the yoke of Confucian morality…”

Renmin Ribao August 21, 1976

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Doctrine of Confucius and Mencius —The Shackle That Keeps Women In Bondage 1974

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by Fu Wen

THE school of thought represented by Confucius and Mencius has strong contempt for women. It asserts male superiority and female inferiority and holds that women are subordinate to men. Confucius ranted: “Women and inferior men [meaning slaves] are hard to get along with, they get out of hand when befriended and they resent it when kept at a distance.” His loyal successor Mencius said: “Do not disobey your husband, because to look upon compliance as their correct course is the rule for women.” This means that women must do as men say and the wife must in no way act against the wishes of her husband.

Reactionary Class Nature

Confucius and Mencius were the spokesmen of the reactionary forces of their time, forces that were obstinately trying to preserve the collapsing slave system and opposing social progress. Their reactionary viewpoint on women’s status was part of their whole outlook on interpersonal relations and the positions of different persons in slave society. It, therefore, must be examined in connection with the sum total of the politics and ethics of Confucius and Mencius and in the light of the historical conditions and the class struggle of that time.

The slave-owning class in the slave society of the Yin and Chou Dynasties all belonged to one single kinship group and it exercised class rule through he blood ties of the group. In fact, the patriarchal system in the class society had been transformed from the patrilineal [sic] gentile order existing at the end of primitive society. In the circumstances, the fact whether or not the interpersonal relations and the social status of different persons conformed to the strict patriarchal hierarchy was, as far as the slave-owning class was concerned, a matter of primary importance, a matter of life and death.

The politics and ethics of Confucius were aimed exactly at saving and restoring the patriarchal hierarchy which had already been seriously impaired in his time and at bringing back the “millennium” of the slave society of the Western Chou Dynasty. Under patriarchal sway where the king’s authority and paternal authority ruled supreme and where everything was male slave-owner orientated, women’s place was one of complete subordination to men. So it was only natural that Confucius should go all out to preach male superiority and female inferiority.

The Confucian ethics including the concept of “male superiority and female inferiority,” played an extremely reactionary role in the course of the change from the slave system to the feudal system in Chinese society. But when the former had been completely destroyed and the latter firmly established, the landlord class inherited the whole lot of Confucian ethics out of its need to consolidate feudal autocratic rule. So feudal society remained a society with a patriarchal hierarchy. Promoted with might and main by the successive feudal dynasties and energetically trumpeted by the followers of Confucius, the reactionary Confucian viewpoint advocating the oppression of women became more concrete and more systematized than ever.

Tung Chung-shu (179-104 B.C.), an exponent of the Confucian school in the Western Han Dynasty, induced and developed the reactionary ethical thinking of Confucius and Mencius into the so-called “Three Cardinal Guides,” to wit, “the sovereign guides the ministers; the father guides the son; the husband guides the wife.” According to Tung Chung-shu, it conforms to the “guides” and the “will of Heaven” that the son should take orders from the father, the humble ministers from the sovereign and the wife from the husband, and any violation of this is “lese-majesty” “not to be tolerated by Divine Rule.” To keep women in shackles, the doctrine of Confucius and Mencius also created what is known as “The Three Obediences and Four Virtues.” The “three obediences” are “obedience to the father and the elder brothers when young, obedience to the husband when married and obedience to the sons when widowed.” Thus a female was placed under the control of the male sex from the cradle to the grave. The “four virtues” are firstly “women’s virtue,” meaning a woman must know her place under the sun and behave herself and act in every way in compliance with the old ethical code; secondly, “women’s speech,” meaning a woman must not talk too much and take care not to bore people; thirdly, “women’s appearance,” meaning a woman must pay attention to adorning herself with a view to pleasing the opposite sex; and fourthly, “women’s chore,” meaning a woman must willingly do all the household chores.

From this it can be seen that the doctrine of Confucius and Mencius deprived women of their personal freedom and their right to live like human beings; it served as a spiritual shackle to keep the masses of the working women in bondage. For more than 2,000 years, countless women were made the victims of the doctrine of Confucius and Mencius, victims of the old ethical code, and subject to torment and persecution.

Can “male superiority and female inferiority” really be the “will of Heaven”? Certainly not. This concept has always been a common feature of society under the rule of exploiting classes, a component part of the ideology of the exploiting classes. It is common to slave society, feudal society and capitalist society as well.

Early in 1927, in his work Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan, Chairman Mao already had profoundly noted that of the four ropes—political authority, clan authority, religious authority and the masculine authority of the husband—that kept Chinese women in bondage, the political authority of the landlords was the backbone of all the other systems of authority. Warmly praising the revolutionary spirit of the peasant women, Chairman Mao wrote: “With the rise of the peasant movement, the women in many places have now begun to organize rural women’s associations; the opportunity has come for them to lift up their heads, and the authority of the husband is getting shakier every day.” “The old rule barring women and poor people from the banquets in the ancestral temples has also been broken. The women of Paikuo in Hengshan County gathered in force and swarmed into their ancestral temple, firmly planted their backsides in the seats and joined in the eating and drinking, while the venerable clan bigwigs had willy-nilly to let them do as they pleased.” This is a graphic illustration of the fact that the status of women can be radically changed once the reactionary exploiting class rule is toppled.



Acute Struggle Between the Two Lines

Under the leadership of Chairman Mao and the Communist Party of China, our country has completely buried the evil system oppressing women and has fundamentally eliminated the root cause—the rule of the exploiting classes—that subjected the masses of working women to oppression and exploitation. The establishment of the socialist system in our country has opened up a broad avenue for the emancipation of women. Today, women’s position in the political, economic and cultural fields as well as in family life has been raised to an unprecedented degree.

But the acute struggle between the two classes and the two lines on the question of women’s emancipation is still there. Following in the footsteps of the monarchs of the old feudal dynasties, Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, representatives of the landlord and capitalist classes who had wormed their way into the Party, tried to peddle the doctrine of Confucius and Mencius under the signboard of Marxism-Leninism. They talked such nonsense as “the female sex is backward,” “a woman cannot be expected to have a bright future,” “a woman’s future is determined by that of her husband,” “a woman must devote herself to her husband” and so on. They discriminated against women, belittled the role of women and tried to prevent them from taking part in the three great revolutionary movements—class struggle, the struggle for production and scientific experiment. Their attempt was to make women docile tools and philistines paying no attention to the politics of the proletariat and showing no interest in the affairs of the state and the world. And they tried to drive women who constitute half the nation’s population back into the small courtyards of their respective homes, barring them from taking part in the socialist revolution and construction. All this was meant to serve their needs in trying to subvert the proletarian dictatorship and restore capitalism. Such was the criminal design of Lin Piao and his gang. But the course of history is always opposite to the wishes of the reactionaries: The fond dream of a handful of opportunists who were against the historical current has been shattered and nothing can stem the torrent of the women’s liberation movement.

The influence of the ideas of contempt for women caused by feudal rule in our country for more than 2,000 years still lingers on to this day. As Lenin said: “When the old society perishes, its corpse cannot be nailed up in a coffin and lowered into the grave. It disintegrates in our midst; the corpse rots and infects us.”

“The Communist Revolution,” solemnly declared Marx and Engels in the Manifesto of the Communist Party, “is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.” The class basis of the concept of “male superiority and female inferiority” is the exploiting classes, and it is the masses of people, especially the masses of the working women, who are the victims. This ideology of the exploiting classes is completely incompatible with the socialist economic base and socialist political institutions. The mass movement to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius is forcefully sweeping away the old ideas of looking down on women and the ideology of the exploiting classes as a whole. This movement will surely create still more favourable conditions for the thorough emancipation of the women of China.

[This article is reprinted from Peking Review, #10, March 8, 1974, pp. 16-18.]

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Two woman guerillas from Dandakaranya Special Zone Speak-2005


We give here accounts of two women guerillas from Dandakaranya about their life and struggle at home, how they came into the Party and what they feel now. They spoke on the occasion of 8th March 2005. Both the accounts are good evidence of what the Revolution and the Revolutionary Party gave women and how they received the same. The accounts visualize the ongoing struggle against patriarchy as a part of the class struggle in the armed struggle. A picture of the new women taking birth in the areas of revolutionary power – Editor.

First woman guerilla: ‘‘If I Did Not Join The Party I Would Have Died’’

When I was in home, I knew nothing about the world. I had a mother but lost my father.

The village heads wielded authority in the village. In our home too, they discriminated against us, women. My younger uncle was the village sarpanch. We were to obey them. We did not have any right on our lives.

When I was young, girls of 6 to 7 years were married off in our community. It was the custom. It was a normal thing. They tried to marry me too. The sarpanch who took authority over my life, forced me to go to the house they wanted me to. He drank liquor with the family to which I was to be married. This was the custom before marriage. The parents of the boy drink liquor with the parents of the girl. This confirms the bondage. Once this happens, the girl belongs to the boy’s family. Prior to the marriage the girl is not informed. At times the mother too is not informed.

They took me away from the shandy and left me in the in-laws house. For about one and a half years, I was not given clothes, food and other such essential things. I was ill treated a lot. I was not at all interested to stay in my in-law’s house. In a desperate moment, I ran home.

There again the story was repeated. The only difference was that, this was my village. Those who ill-treated me were my blood relatives. The sarpanch beat me with a stick. They tried to take me to my in-law’s house by binding me. None of the villagers could help me. It was the law of the village. It was the rule of the day.

Tired with beating me, all of them retired. I took the chance. I escaped from their clutches.

As I was on my way, I met the squad. The squad members tried to shake hands with me. But I could not even raise my hand. The members then realized that my body was full of wounds. They asked me why.

I told them that I escaped from a forced marriage. The squad brought me back to the village. They held a meeting of the whole village. They questioned the sarpanch of his atrocities towards me. They held a panchayat on my issue. In the meeting they explained the roots of the custom, the roots of patriarchy and other such things. The culprits were proved to be guilty.

After all this, I still felt depressed. I could not totally come out of my uncle’s clutches. There was none to help me have my own life. I wanted to live like a human being. But how can I? Deep and confused thoughts made me feel disturbed.

One day I climbed a tree and sat there for a long time. I thought of death. I wanted to avoid my uncle. I wanted to have a life without him. Without his power on me. Without any sort of authority that would demean me as a human being. But I could not understand how. After a lot of thought I questioned myself as to why I should die.

I thought I had the Party and it would save me. By that time the mass organizations were formed in our village and the villages nearby. I went to another village and started living there.

In this village, the squad used to meet me. Whenever I met them, they told me many things about the world. They told me the social roots for discrimination of women. They taught me politics and how life would be in a revolutionary society.

I started feeling interested in the squad. I thought about my life. I compared it with that of the women in the squad. I understood that they were not only fighting for equality to all in society but that they themselves were living an egalitarian life. After some time, I decided to join the squad.

One fine day I told the commander that I am interested to join the Party. Initially they were doubtful whether I would come or not. They knew I would have to face a lot if I was to join them. I just started working in the women’s organization. As they observed me, they decided to take me in. Then they let me know their decision.

My society would not accept it if I told them I would join the squad. So one opportune day, I came out as if I was going to a meeting and met the squad. Immediately after I joined them, the squad along with me, went to my village. They held a meeting. I was asked to speak. I poured out all my feelings. I told my village what I faced, what I thought and what I finally decided. I told them I am going to have a new life. A life of my own. A life for people like me.

It is nearly seven years since I joined the Party. I am now happy to see that the people are changing. The party educated the people. Now forcible marriages are not seen much. They are giving importance to the opinion of the youth.

On this occasion of 8th March, I could tell you one thing straight. If I did not join the party, I would have died.


Second woman guerilla: “The Party Showed Us The Way … Like A Mother”

This is a jungle. But there are a lot of stories to tell from the lives of the inhabitants. Before the party came, there was the authority of the village heads. Their authority was also exerted on the land. Their authority was on the people’s lives. It was on the women.

The women of our community did not have any power over their lives. They did not have any say on the decisions of their marriages. Customs allowed the boys to take away the girls according to their wish and will. When the girls went to shandies (market), the boys would snatch them and even rape them. Some women were even killed.

When I was in my home I faced a lot of difficulties. I faced all what a woman in this community faces. I experienced the domination of men, the frustration of rigid customs and other such things.

The Party showed the women a way like a mother. They educated our society. They educated the people. They said that women need not face the domination of the mother, fathers, brothers and the community as a whole. They said it was part of the exploitation of society as a whole.

The Party made me a member of the baalala sanghatan, the children’s organization. When I became older, I joined the women’s organization. When I was given responsibilities in the organization, people in the village commented. They said it was not proper for a woman to be so active. They said I should not try to be so assertive.

Some went to the extent of threatening the members of my family. They told them I would later join the squad and so to marry me off. All this talk began to influence my parents. One day my younger sister informed me that my parents drank liquor to get me married. On hearing this, the members of the village women’s organization and I stayed back. We discussed the matter. Waiting for the squad to come and solve the issue would be too late.

So we took up the issue. We talked with my parents. I questioned them why I should be married at such a small age. We tried to explain them why it is not good to marry girls at such a young age. We tried to tell them how and why we should change our lives in these aspects.

This kind of a change was a process. This process turned us into human beings. It revolutionised our society and thinking. It democratized human relations in our society. It was a progressive social transformation.

This transformation applied to me too. I learnt how to think. I learnt how to fight with the old to obtain the new. I became more and more active in the women’s organization. After a few years I decided to join the squad. The Party comrades also suggested this to me.

It was inevitable. It was inevitable because of the increased consciousness. The education the Party gave me, the revolutionary practice I was in and the total revolutionary atmosphere in which I was, made me leap into the Party. I now understand that this is a leap into the class struggle. It is a leap in my personality. It is a leap of women as an oppressed section. I am one among many. This is a part of the emancipation of society as a whole.

I now know how to use a weapon. I know how to go and get things done. I know how to lead a team. I know how to teach. I know how to deal with the problems of my comrades. It was the Party that taught me all this. Without the Party I would not have learned a little bit of all this.

The Party is like a mother. It showed a path for us. It is everything for us. Now women are becoming leaders. The Party is making efforts to advance women even more. There must be more such efforts. We too must become part of these efforts. I wish the Party would start squads in areas where there is no squad until now. Only this would bring the women out of age old shackles.

I understand that there is more exploitation on the women in the outside world, in the cities. I understand that women are oppressed, whether they be in the cities or in the villages, whether they are educated or uneducated. So all women must come together. They must come together in class struggle. They must come together in revolution.

(These are the factual stories of two women guerillas, members of area committee rank in the CPI(Maoist) Party, in a platoon in Dandakaranya. The occasion was the 8th March 2005).



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-Ashraf Deghani

When I regained consciousness, I was being carried on a policeman’s shoulders in front of the Police Detention Center. As I began struggling to free myself, others grabbed my arms and legs. My head was free and I succeeded in biting the policeman’s ear. There was some commotion, somebody grasped my head. I passed out again.

Next time, coming round I found my hands tied to a bed. They had put a large open shirt on me that did not cover my body. Two policemen were flanking the bed, with a police officer* and two women were also in the room. Five people were guarding a harmless, tortured prisoner lying half-dead, unable to move and with hands bound! This is typical and indicative of the enemy’s panic and weakness in the face of armed struggle. I had done nothing to cause so much alarm and fear. They only knew that I belonged to an organisation determined to destroy the despotic regime and its mercenaries; an organisation that had successfully executed their chief thug; an organisation not held back by any fear; an organisation of devotees. How easy it was to see that what had induced so much fear in these mercenaries, what had destroyed their confidence in their regime and in themselves, is armed struggle.

They had created a powerful picture of me in their minds. I was told later that in the first few days the mercenaries of the Police Intelligence Department had been waiting in line to come in and take a look at the monster who had survived Evin without breaking. They had also speculated that I was a karate or judo expert, an untruth they had come to believe. Later, 1 heard one of the women jailers gossiping to a friend of hers, mocking an officer who, passing my bed, would keep a hand on his gun and walk a large semi‑circle not to get close!

Regaining consciousness, I first saw the two policemen sitting on either side of my bed. There was a dark hazy ring before my eyes. The policemen looked like ridiculous characters of a ‘horror’ movie. Then I saw a woman, “who is she? Is she one of the women who had many years before danced naked in front of Navab Safavi (10)?” (that is true; Safavi had apparently been very sensitive in this respect, suffering a violent nervous reaction; and the enemy had used this weakness). I swore at her, drenched with hate. The torturers had come into the room, and one of them was telling her “Don’t mind her, don’t be upset… she’s a little impolite but otherwise she is a good girl (!) … the poor girl has been misled, brain­washed you should look on her as your own child ….”

She began uttering ‘words of wisdom’. Their inept childish logic was unbearable. I decided to ridicule her, interrupting her: “I didn’t follow that”. She would explain again, I would nod in agreement from time to time. Everybody was elated: “Only a woman can tame a woman”. Then I would ask a question, forcing her to repeat most of what she had she had said. At last, she gave up.

Officers were walking in and out of the room almost constantly. I noticed that they were clumsily trying to draw my attention to their wristwatches, which they were displaying before me quite conspicuously. The two policemen in the room were trying to do the same, giving the game away and not far­ing much better than their superiors. They had presumably thought I was waiting for a certain hour before revealing the address, and it follows that they had put their watches for­ward. How feeble‑minded, how immeasurably frivolous. The whole idea was idiotic and the actors left a lot to be desir­ed. Besides, I was determined never to divulge the informa­tion they wanted and it was not a question of hours or days.

I knew that my comrades were immediately aware of my arrest. At the time, Comrade Behrouz was not too far away and could not have failed to notice the hue and cry. Furthermore, I was due to meet some comrades shortly after the time when I was seized. They had no doubt vacated our hideout, which was, after all, a temporary base of operation. The point was not to betray even the location of the empty house, in order not to add to the fallacy of the enemy’s omnipotence, not even in the minds of the people in the immediate neighbourhood. At this stage in the struggle, one of our main duties was to shatter the regime’s myth of invincibility. The enemy must be weakened, and it must be seen to be weakened. To go against this would be an unforgivable act of treason. To me, it was unimaginable ever to turn my back on the People’s glorious cause, let alone breaking in this, my first test of dedication.

My sister‑in‑law was brought in to plead with me. She was totally in the dark regarding our activities. The enemy had raided her house and had not even allowed her children to go to school to sit for their examinations. She was broken, on her knees: “What do they want of us Ashraf? Please tell them. Tell them what they want”. “Listen”, I said, “to what is involved”, and I recited: “With the head, held up high, One must live, and with the head, held up high, one must die. To the foe, one must never submit, and one’s life, and one’s all, one must give, for the cause, for freedom, for the freedom of people”(11)

Khatayi decided it is better to take her out.

They had forced a friend to come to me with a transparent, ludicrous pack of lies; “Pouyan had attempted to kill Behrouz. He will try again. In a letter to me, Pouyan says that a disagreement has developed between them, and that he is determined to rid himself of Behrouz”! What intellectual destitution! The lie does not only reflect their impotence of mind, but also the mercenaries’ murderous, unprincipled mentality: if you disagree, murder!

The ruffians also brought two of my brothers to my bedside. They did not have much to say. My little brother’s hands were swollen and his face was bruised and scarred. The other one had also been beaten up. Perhaps the Shah’s rogues were trying to tell me that they have arrested all the members of my family, or, maybe they did not even know why they brought my brothers there!

When a friend or a relative was brought in, I would ridicule the enemy’s ‘leaders’ and ‘generals’. Pointing at the villains I would say “Look at them. These parasites can only exist if they can suck the blood of the likes of us. They can only exist if, and as long as, we allow them to. We must not let them continue their criminal life….” One of the jailers, a shrew of a woman, who was vainly trying to appear in control of the situation, would on such occasions attack me furiously, grabbing my hair, which was long, jerking my head vigorously and slapping me until my nose bled. For a while she did this every day.

That night they talked about an injection and a syrup that would make one talk involuntarily. I mocked them: “Yet another childish ploy? If one is truly determined not to talk, nothing can break one’s resolve. Still, if you have such a medicine, why did you not use it to begin with? Would you not have obtained the information sooner that way?”! The answer was typically stupid: “But it is expensive, we can’t use it for everybody”! I was, however, concerned about the possible effects of a drug, because, as a child, I used to talk in my sleep. The thought of talking under sedation was unbearable. No, I should not do that. I was trying to forget the address and the names of the few comrades known to me. I would divert my thoughts to other things. I was seriously concerned. They brought some milk, but I could hardly drink it because of the wound caused by the fork when I had rammed it in my throat.

A herd of officers had gathered around my bed, insisting that I should drink the milk. I was suspicious and, besides, their aim was to keep me alive and, at some stage, make me talk. I had to frustrate their efforts.

To me, revealing any secrets to the enemy was such an atrocious and repugnant crime, and even the thought of committing such a crime was so far from my mind, that I could not imagine for one moment talking as the enemy willed. I decided to commit suicide and rob the hoodlums of any hope of extracting the slightest information from me. Furthermore, I considered my action would be of propaganda value.

Next morning they again brought me milk, which I refused. First, they calmly insisted I should drink it. Gradually, their tempers rose, the shrew did her slapping stunt again, to no avail. Finally they relented and left the room, saying, “We are not going to let you die. You can be sure of that. We’ll get food into you even if we have to force it up your….”

Later a physician came in with a container of glucose to feed me intravenously. I swore at him. He responded coolly: “Why do you attack me? I’m not a torturer, I’m a doctor. I go to many government departments, this is one of them.” I blasted out at him again: “Shame on you. Accomplice of murderers, venal filth serving the murderous regime and its evil aims. Witnessing crime and remaining inactive is a complicity, let alone actively serving the criminals….”

When he came close, I kicked him and his assistant. The woman and the policemen came in and tried to hold me. Later others also joined in. At last the physician managed to give me a few injections and glucose feeding got under way.

I refused to take food for thirteen days and they had to feed me intravenously every day after a struggle. I had heard that the entrance of air into the vein could be fatal and hence I tried to force the physician into a mistake, struggling particularly hard when he was entering the needle into my vein. I later realised that it does not work, I kept up the struggle not to submit to their will, and not to make their task easy.

Physically, I felt extremely weak, drowsing most of the time, not knowing how many days had passed. The room would often fill up with uniformed thugs. Generals would come in their absurd uniforms, trying to talk me into submission, presumably hoping to overwhelm me with the ‘might’ of those scraps of metal gained not because of bravery, leadership quality, etc., but for flattery, for lack of any qualities, for servitude. Their underlings would stand to attention, like slaves who had accepted inferiority, at a cheap price. They all looked so ridiculous, I did not even have to make any special effort to mock them and describe their true nature and value. It would all happen automatically, without any effort. They would talk for a while, then, with their ‘dignity’ and ‘values’ harshly but objectively questioned before their subordinates, they would invariably cut short their ‘speeches of wisdom and authority’ and leave the room concluding: “This girl is crazy”. They also had a so‑called psychiatrist who had officially declared me insane!

from Torture and Resistance in Iran-1973


(11)[Quoting] Nguyen Van Troy: A Vietcong revolutionary worker shot in 1968 for having plotted to execute the U.S. Ambassador in Vietnam.


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People’s War in India Clippings 8/3/2016


Maoists attack Rajnandgaon mine: Narrow escape for Chhattisgarh’s top industrialist

RAIPUR: Chhattisgarh top industrialist and owner of Sarda Energy and Minerals, Kamal Sarda, had a narrow escape on Monday evening when Maoists attacked his mine at Rajnandgaon district and shot a manager before torching six vehicles and thrashing labourers. Sarda had left the mine barely an hour before the attack.

After killing the manager, Maoists threw pamphlets written in red attributed to CPI-ML group of Pallemadi area committee, demanding a ban on mining and luring innocent villagers by giving them jobs and engaging them in exploitation of ‘jal-jungle-jameen’. Maoists barged into a mine at Pallemadi village and shot AGM Sree Kumar Nayar. His body was evacuated late in the night. Confirming the incident, Sarda told TOI, “While I was returning from Dongargaon, I went unannounced to Pellemadi mine for inspection and less than an hour after I left, Maoists launched an attack. It was a narrow escape. Maoists shot our manager.” Sarda said his mines had been attacked four times in the past by Maoists and they damaged equipment and vehicles, but did not kill anyone. “Usually rescue operation has to wait till morning, but I had alerted police as body of AGM was lying unattended and carried risk of getting mutilated by wild animals. I am thankful for swift action taken by police,” Sarda said.

Talking to TOI, D M Awasthi, additional director general of police (Naxalite operations) said, “Special forces were deployed on Monday night to evacuate the body and launch a search operation to nab Maoists. The region is sensitive and borders Gadchiroli, Kanker, Bhandara and Balaghat, all Maoist infested regions and they get enough escape routes to attack and disappear in forests.” The crime scene is 4km from Kanker district. Awasthi said, “Maoists were keeping a low profile in the region to create a vacuum for free and easy movement between bordering states.” “They don’t attack doesn’t mean they are not present. Though there’s a police post close to the mine, there might be need to tighten security. We are trying to find out reason that triggered the attack on angles related to labourers and extortion and have launched operation in forests,” Awasthi said.

Maoist’s Call for Bandh Evokes Poor Response

KHAMMAM: The bandh call given by Maoists in protest against the recent encounter in which eight Maoists including five women were killed, evoked a poor response in Bhadrachalam on Monday. The incident took place at Chintavagu forest in Sukma district of Chhattisgarh on March 1. Police were on the lookout for Maoist party state secretary Haribhushan alias Yepa Narayana but he had escaped. Condemning the incident, Maoist spokesperson Jagan called for a bandh on Monday.

But response from traders and people was poor. However, police did not take any chances and took all precautions including deploying more forces in the border areas. Expecting attacks from Maoists, police forces sealed the Telangana – Chhattisgarh border. Tension prevailed in the border area and all police stations were put on a high alert and staff were told to not leave police stations unless it was an emergency. On the other hand, combing operations are being intensified by Greyhounds and CRPF forces to restrict the entry of Maoists from Chhattisgarh forest into Telangana. It has been learnt that Maoists are planning to regain their lost ground and cadre by hiring new recruits. The alleged meeting on March 1 was aimed to boost their manpower.

Special vigil in Maoist-hit areas for incident-free polls in WB

Kolkata: The Election Commission will maintain “special vigil” in West Bengal’s vulnerable Left Wing Extremism (LWE) or Maoist-hit areas to ensure “incident free” Assembly polls, an official said here on Tuesday. In a video conference of Election Commission official S. Saxena with the state team and district magistrates and police on Tuesday, emphasis was laid on LWE areas. “With regards to LWE areas, we have been asked to be very alert. The central tream has advised that special vigil be maintained along interstate borders, especially Purulia district,” said additional chief electoral officer Dibyendu Sarkar. He said the target is “incident free election even in LWE areas.” Sarkar informed the poll panel has expressed satisfaction over the deployment of central forces in the state. The commission also met and apprised all political parties regarding expenditure monitoring and maintenance of proper accounts.

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European MP from Galicia presented a question to the EU Commission about the situation of Professor GN Saibaba


From the Galician Committee of Support to the Paople’s War in India

(unofficial translation)

Lidia Senra, member of the European Parliament from Galician Left Alternative (GLE), presented a question to the European Commission about the situation of Professor GN Saibaba and the position of the EU on this matter, as well as the harassment on the well-known writer Arundhati Roy.

The Galician Committee of Support the People’s War in India appreciates the very positive attitude of the internationalist GLE representative Brussels.

Below an excerpt of the official statement by Lidia Senra:

This week GLA recorded a parliamentary question questioning the EU on their business partnerships with poor countries. The Indian Government, with which the EU maintains different trade agreements, is carrying forward since 2009 a military and paramilitary operation called Operation Green Hunt in the name of which is expelling and imprisoning in concentration camps the tribal people originating from this states rich of important natural resources. Multinationals companies calculate they would get profit for more than 80 million euros of they could exploit, without being bothered by the population, all these resources.

Dr. GN Saibaba, international activist for human rights, professor at the Ram Lal Anand College of Delhi University, publicly defended the human rights of dalits and adivasis and participated in campaigns against Operation Green Hunt. He suffers a 90% physical disability and is bound to a wheelchair but, as absurd as it may seem, he is accused to be “dreaded Maoist”. In 2014-2015 he has been jailed for 14 months while no evidence against him was provided. Released on bail on May 2015 due the dramatic worsening of his health in prison (paralysis of left side, severe damage to the heart, kidneys and spine), on December the High Court of Bombay ordered he was put in jail again, while filed a case against the well-known Indian writer Arundhati Roy for having written article “professor, prisoner” (Outlook Magazine, May 2015). The almost complete paralysis of Dr. GN Saibaba increases the complication from the harsh conditions of isolation to which it is subjected. It is feared his life is in danger.

Thus, Galician Left Alternative in Europe asks the Commission to consider how the Indian government is fulfilling the respect of human rights and promoting peace established as condition by the Strategic Cooperation Agreement EU-India and the Joint Action Plan; and we also want to know whether the EU is considering to question the Indian government about the case of Dr. Saibaba and Mrs. Roy.


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Police crack down on Zengakuren, arrest students for “obstructing university classes”



The police crackdown on the far left in Japan continues unabated. Following the two arrests at a Chūkaku-ha apartment (one was later released and another re-arrested) and recent Kakurōkyō raid, as well as numerous arrests and raids in 2015, now comes a fresh series of arrests by the security police and Kyoto police between February 29th and March 1st.

The targets were high-profile leaders of far-left student activism in Japan: 6 were arrested and 13 places raided by police nationwide, including Kumano Dormitory and other Kyoto University sites. The arrests are in connection with “forcible obstruction of university classes” during a campus strike that prevented classes from taking place at one site for around 6 hours. Raids were also made of Chūkaku-ha bases in Osaka, Fukushima City and Naha, Okinawa.

Chūkaku-ha Zengakuren Chair Ikuma Saitō is among those arrested, along with the head of the Kyoto University student council Dōgakukai, Yōhei Sakube, who both led the small campus strike last October at Kyoto University, which has been a simmering fulcrum for Zengakuren ever since an undercover cop was rumbled on campus in November 2014 (the Kyōdai Poporo incident) and the Kumano Dormitory subsequently raided. Sakube was previously arrested for unauthorised entry onto a Kansai University campus in late 2014, for which he was held for weeks, eventually charged, and found guilty and fined.

Via Throw out Your Books

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