With deep joy revolutionary, political prisoners and war of Peru, in this very significant date of April 17, combative send our greetings to all political prisoners in the world and our solidarity with their struggle for rights and freedom. And especially we assume the call to build the People’s Heroes Monument in honor of the massive heroism of the Peruvian people, including Heroes prisoners in El Fronton, Lurigancho and El Callao, who gave their blood and their lives to end oppression and exploitation and build a better world. This commemoration of the International Day of the Political Prisoner, occurs in a global context of long, slow recovery from the global economic crisis, the largest and most serious crisis of the capitalist system, expressing the deepening of inter-imperialist contradictions for the redivision of the world and configuring an anteroom of a new world war. Situation that sharpens the class struggle and contradictions in the world, the main: oppressed nations – imperialism, which is reflected in the constant aggression against the peoples of the world and the resistance and struggle of these.
In our country, highlight the indomitable struggle that we carry political prisoners struggling to Solution Politics, General Amnesty and National Reconciliation! McCarthyism facing political persecution and inquisitorial outside and inside prisons. And in particular, to highlight special recognition to the most important political prisoner, Dr. Abimael Guzmán Reinoso, Chairman of the Communist Party of Peru, who at 80 years of age and about 23 in cruel conditions of isolation and life in the Base Military Callao, keeps you undefeated their Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideological convictions. We reiterate our unwavering commitment to defend their lives and health and fight for their freedom. For his wife, Professor Elena Yparraguirre Revoredo, was in similar conditions for 15 years, and every so often is the target of reprisals for their unwavering ideological convictions.
The health of many prisoners is precarious and worsened by poor prison attention as in the case of Comrade Victor Zavala Cataño, renowned playwright who has over 82 years of age. Two months ago, the political prisoner Margi Evelyn Clavo Peralta, communist fighter lifetime, died with terminal cancer after 20 years in prison, accelerated death by torturing to which Peruvian state conditions, with Ollanta Humala in the lead collusion with the extreme right, he underwent. As part of this political persecution opened new prosecutions for acts 30 years ago to prevent the release of political prisoners Osman Morote, Margot Liendo and Victoria Trujillo Agurto, prisoners who have served their full sentence of 25 years but remain imprisoned. Also, after a year of persecution and detention of leaders and activists of Movadef, the rear freedom curbed the reactionary aim to imprison all the judicial process continues and it is being committed violations of due process to prevent political struggle for fundamental rights and general amnesty, which denounce and unmask. Worldwide, political prisoners fighting for better conditions and their right to freedom.
We welcome and solidarity with the Maoists political prisoners in Morocco carrying a hunger strike since March 23, 2015, in order to expose and stop the abuse and physical and moral suffering daily assaults in prisons in the reaction. We support the struggle of thousands of political prisoners in India and the Philippines that harsh repression keep up morale of the revolution. We stand in solidarity with the struggle of thousands of Kurdish prisoners and its leader, Abdullah Öcalan fellow fighters for the freedom of his people.
With Basque political prisoners facing a repressive penal policy, repression extends to their families. With the thousands of Palestinian prisoners from Israeli combat rages yoke viciously against children, elderly, women who resist the occupation of their land. With the exemplary resistance of prisoners of Chiapas are not faint and strength to his people that defends against capitalist expansion that threatens their land. With political prisoners in Guantanamo prison sinister imperialist torture and denial of fundamental rights. With the thousands of political prisoners in Colombia who rebelled for a more just society. With the Mapuche political prisoners held for more than 20 days on hunger strike, imprisoned by the repressive laws judicializes social conflicts. With political prisoners in Paraguay, imprisoned and prosecuted for defending their lands and natural resources. With political prisoners in Guatemala, Argentina, Ecuador, the United States itself and the five continents, all defend fundamental rights and expose the reactionary action against their peoples.
Tens of thousands of political prisoners scattered in different prisons in the world, but common to all is that they are social, revolutionary and communist fighters fighting selflessly against oppression and exploitation of the capitalist and imperialist system, for the defense of their lands and natural resources , for the defense of their fundamental rights , for independence against imperialist aggression , or the transformation of this system in new and different for the generations of tomorrow one. The struggles of political prisoners are an encouragement and example to continue fighting for the revolutionary transformation of the old oppressive and exploitative world and as part of them, political prisoners and prisoners of war in Peru , we transform the squalid dungeon prison in shining trenches combat , we reaffirm our commitment to serving the people life and never sink the knees.
SUPPORT AND SOLIDARITY WITH POLITICAL PRISONERS IN THE WORLD!
BUILDING MONUMENT TO THE PEOPLE’S HEROES !
DOWN THE EXPLOITATION AND OPPRESSION OF CAPITALIST SYSTEM AND IMPERIALIST!
April 17, 2015
-Comité Nacional de Prisioneros Políticos y de Guerra del Perú
With regards to concrete actions in this period, we emphasize the following: Regional armed strike in Ayacucho, lasting one week, in February of 89; while rural nucleations [e.g., "strategic hamlets"] built by the armed forces were destroyed. Harvest [campaign] took place in Huaycan, in the capital itself in the same month: 2,000 people were mobilized with the support of the EGP (People’s Army), who annihilated the manager and a foreman of the Fundo under attack; the masses appropriated the produce by sharing it.
Assault on the police counterinsurgency base DOES-6 at Uchiza, March 27: the base was taken, the contingent of 48 military surrendered among them 15 wounded, three dead officers and seven police dead. The taking of Pampa Cangallo: in April, the 600 soldiers were kept at bay and unable to leave their barracks while the town remained under the control of the People’s Army (EGP). Also in April, mobilization of the Committee of Families of Prisoners of War and Disappeared, in Lima, against the Ministry of Justice, with agitation and sabotage; it kept in check the plans of repression against families, and lawyers and genocide against the prisoners. The same month assaults to police posts in Yauricocha, Upper [..] and Clemente, in the Mid South. Regional armed strike in Central Peru, departments of Junin, Cerro de Pasco and Huanuco. On May 10-12 an armed strike took place in Canete, southern part of the Department of Lima, on June 1-2, and on the 7th, assault against the police station of Ambar, northern part of the Department of Lima.
Ambush of a presidential escort transport car, “Junin Hussars,” in downtown Lima; 7 soldiers killed and 29 wounded in June 3. In the same month, armed strikes: June 5-7 in Huancavelica; on the 7th in Huaraz; and June 15-20 in Upper Huallaga. June 19, ambush of the army in Aguaytia, as part of armed strike: a convoy of six trucks on F. Basadre highway; annihilated were an army major (second chief at Ucayali political-military command), a lieutenant and 14 soldiers, besides 10 wounded, total 26 casualties.
In the month of July, armed strikes: on the 14th in Huamachuco; on the 20th in Lima, against hunger and repression, organized by MRDP [Revolutionary Movement in Defense of the People]; and from July 27-29 in Ayacucho. On the 5th, sabotage of a bus of the Soviets who pillage the country’s marine life; 33 wounded; an ambush against a DOES police patrol in Azangaro, Department of Puno, annihilated a commander, a captain, a lieutenant and three subordinates, on the 6th; assaulted the police station in Pacar, Canete; the station was destroyed, the bridge joining Pacaran, in Yauyos, and Huancayo was blown up. The military barracks in Madre Mia was destroyed, 150 soldiers (120 infantry and 30 engineers), in the Upper Huallaga Valley; the assault took place on July 27, on the eve of the “national anniversary”: after a pitched battle the People’s Guerrilla Army destroyed the reactionary army barracks thoroughly and completely, causing them 64 casualties (39 dead and 25 wounded) and conquered a good quantity of military supplies.
Also in that area, a year ago the police station in Cotahuasi, Department of Arequipa, was assaulted; and the police station at the Huancaray hydroelectric, in Apurimac. As well, in the Department of Huancavelica mesnadas [paramilitary civil defense set up by the armed forces] of Pachaclla were annihilated and several towns were taken in the principal axis of the People’s War in the region, generating a Power vacuum. And, ambush to army in Milano, Upper Huallaga; assault to police stations in Julcan, in Otuzco, Department of La Libertad, and in Cajacay, Department of Ancash. Now, if we focus on the People’s War according to the regions or zones in which it is developing we have the following scenario, centered on the First Campaign of the plan Driving Forward [Impulsar], opening the new Grand Plan:
The Heroic Struggle
If we consider from Pampa Cangallo in the south of the department; in October a series of actions against the armed forces and the micro region [government offices] were carried out; the main one was the attack and eventual collapse of the barracks in Vilcashuaman, sabotage of State installations, propaganda, agitation and mobilization in the town, which was taken over by the People’s Army (EGP); as well, the harassment and collapse hit the anti-guerrilla bases in Pampa Cangallo, Cangallo, Puente Matero, Accomarca, Ocros, Cayara, Hualla, Canaria, Huancapi and Chipao. Because of the large impact on the masses, especially those who under pressure [and death threats] of the military joined the mesnadas, and who have stopped patrolling and standing guard.
The army reacted desperately and imposed a curfew, repressing, arresting, shaving heads. Municipal elections in November were confronted by the new armed strike from the 5th to the 15th, which has proven to be a big weapon to hinder, boycott and impede elections wherever feasible. There were no candidates in Concepcion, Carhuanca, Huambalpa, Andamarca and Cabana; in Huancapi, Mualla, Colca and Cayara nobody knew who the candidates were; in Vilcashuaman all resigned except for a member of United Left while in a showcase of “bourgeois democracy,” in Carhuanca and Huambalpa, on the same day as the elections, SIN members captured two peasants at the town square, told them, “You are the candidates! ,” and beat them up until they accepted their “candidacy.” That is how their “democracy” and their “elections” truly are, the people are witnesses! However their objective failed because most of the population did not vote. An action related to the elections is the stunning ambush on an army convoy on the 13th, in Andamarca, where 10 soldiers and an official of the electoral jury were annihilated.
And, though partially, the Little March that mobilized hundreds of people armed with various means and carrying red flags with the hammer and sickle, banners and posters about the People’s War, traveled through many towns and villages like a little machine sowing the People’s War, developing actions and profoundly moving the masses. On the other hand, hard crushing blows are delivered to the recalcitrant black heads who lead the “mesnadas” controlled by the armed forces, as in Huamanquiquia and Sacsamarca, province of Huancasancos. At the same time that the People’s War extends to the main part of the Coast by the taking of towns like Ocana and the destruction of the police station, close to the highway to Nazca. Consider the northern part of the Department of Ayacucho, the provinces of Huamanga, Ruanta and La Mar. The municipal elections obviously carried great importance.
In the city of Huanta, the provincial capital, there were no candidates, since all of them quit; in Ayacucho, departmental capital, the candidates quit too, but when the APRA candidate quit (a former Belaunde man who was unknown in Ayacucho and was not even there on election day) his resignation was not accepted by APRA; when the resignation of the United Left (IU) candidate, violating electoral norms, was withdrawn with the opposition of the rest of his ticket, he persisted in resigning, disowning his candidacy. Applying the boycott, as in other parts, the Party carried out the armed strike on November 11-13, throughout the area; from the 10th, transport was paralyzed by blocking and opening ditches across highways; through radio broadcasts, the masses were even asking for the electoral process to be halted. The armed forces, the police-military command, answered them by applying a 6:00 p.m. to 6:00 a.m. curfew; on the day following the attack of the 9th, the simultaneous capture of Ayacucho and Huanta by the People’s Army (EGP); the armed forces decreed “a suspension of public activities until the 13th”; making large roundups and threatening arrest and other draconian sanctions to anyone who did not vote, according to the provisions repeatedly broadcasted through the radio.
On the 12th Ayacucho woke up amidst great explosions and under a huge deployment of military and police forces. The genocidal demagogue Garcia Perez came the same day to stage “the triumph of democracy in Ayacucho”; he proffered orders and counter orders as he saw fit, as he does daily; he conducted a rally of Apristas (APRA members), mesnadas (paramilitary peasants) and soldiers dressed in civilian clothes in which very loudly, histrionically and egotistically he announced his personal “victory” and the “defeat of Sendero,” the “triumphant and exemplary electoral process” and the “boycott failure.” But elections were not held in Huanta nor did Ayacucho elect a mayor, since the “leftism” chosen by some vanished amidst the over two-thirds of blank and null votes, of the small minority who voted at all; that too was the “victory” which United Left celebrated euphorically, loudly shouting “we won at Ayacucho!”.
At the end of the counting, even the JNE hacks had to declare the results invalid. In addition, like in 1985, in some places the masses were forced to vote by soldiers and police kicking and hitting them, such as in San Jose; or their electoral books were simply stamped, then soldiers filled in the ballots for them, such as in Pischa and Acocro; while in Llochegua and Churcampa voting simply was done at the military barracks. In Julcamarca the People’s Army (EGP) captured the town and after keeping the antiguerrila base at bay burned the municipal council (consejo municipal) and prevented the elections; in Acocro it forced them to be stopped, and the same in Pacaysasa, where soldiers abandoned protection of the tables leaving their lieutenant alone. In synthesis, the boycott was a brilliant political triumph; absenteeism was massive and even the minority who voted, voted mostly in blank or null ballots.
But notwithstanding the importance of the boycott, part of the People’s War, a basic question in its development can be seen in the great advancement of work in cities such as Ayacucho and Huanta; the taking of both, by siege, on November 9, applying containment to prevent the police and armed forces from massively leaving their quarters, and forcing the foreign mercenaries to keep away and hide like rats in their nests at the airport, is clear proof of this advance. Also, the incursion into People’s Cooperation in Ayacucho, against the Aprista candidate, annihilating his police escort, in October; and the attack on the technical police departmental headquarters [Dircote] annihilating a lieutenant and a corporal and wounding two others, in the same month; or the car bombs, one at the office of the director of education, and the other thirty meters away from the main square (Plaza de Armas), respectively in October and December.
However, the main and more transcendent development of the People’s War is still in the countryside: the destruction of the mesnadas in five towns and finishing off fifty of their most recalcitrant members; the demolition of the nucleations [e.g., "strategic hamlets"] in Vicus and Huayllay and the annihilation of their black heads [paramilitary], and nucleations organized and sustained by the armed forces against the will of the masses, especially of the poorest peasantry; the ambush against mesnadas in Pichihuilca or to an army truck in Palmapampa, barely three hundred meters from their anti-guerrilla base, in November and December respectively, and repeated hits to the marine infantry, show this in all clarity.
CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
Ediciones Bandera Roja, May 1990
Maoists dispute police version on Sukma attack
Claiming responsibility for Sukma attack, Maoists say none of its cadre died in the gun battle.
Police had claimed they killed 20 Maoists. The outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) on Monday took the responsibility of the attack on the Special Task Force (STF) in Sukma district of South Chhattisgarh on April 11, which resulted in the killing of seven STF men and left 10 others grievously injured. In a press statement issued by its South Bastar Divisional Committee, the banned outfit also refuted Chhattisgarh police’s claims that 20 Maoists were killed in the encounter.
“The STF wanted to mount an attack on our PLGA (People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army) on April 11 in Pidmed village of Sukma, however, exactly opposite happened on the ground. Our guerrillas killed seven STF men and chased away the rest of them,” said the press release. “Not a single Maoist was killed in Pidmed encounter. Some of us received minor injuries, but everyone is battle ready now. Senior police officers are claiming that they killed 20 Maoists in Pidmed but the fact is that the STF men had to run for their lives for more than 10 kilometres towards Kankerlanka village,” claimed the Maoists. R.K.Vij, the Additional Director General (ADG) of police in charge of the STF, had termed the Pidmed encounter “among the greatest battles” his men ever fought and claimed that around 20 Maoists were killed by the STF. Calling the police claims as “false propaganda”, the Maoists said that the “daring” attack on the STF has discouraged the policemen posted in Bastar.
“The police propaganda is only to lift their men’s moral which is at all-time low after the Pidmed attack. We never shy away from accepting casualties on our part. The last rites of our deceased comrades are performed as per the revolutionary traditions and in full public view,” informed the banned outfit adding that every PLGA martyr is provided “revolutionary funeral.” The Maoist press statement appealed to the police jawans fighting in Bastar to “stop attacking poor public” and “surrender before the revolution rather than being in the fear of death.” In another press statement issued by Sukhdev Konde, the secretary of the North Bastar Divisional Committee of the CPI (Maoist), the Maoists termed the attack on the BSF camp on April 12 in Chhote Betiya village of Kanker district as an “audacious attack”.
“The attack on BSF camp in Chhote Betiya was in response to the government’s plan to put up a carpet of camps across Bastar. Sixteen new camps have come up in Bastar in last six months. But the main aim of this plan is to snatch water, land and forests from the Tribals,” said Mr.Konde while admitting that Maoist leader Dasmen Salam alias Vikas was killed in the attack, which also resulted in the death of a BSF head constable.
Maoists: Chhattisgarh: TCO Escalates
There has been an abrupt spike in Maoist violence in the Bastar Division of Chhattisgarh, with 14 Security Force (SF) personnel killed, and 17 vehicles set on fire, by cadres of the Communist Party of India – Maoist (CPI-Maoist) between April 11 and 15, 2015. On April 11, seven personnel of the Special Task Force (STF) of Chhattisgarh Police, including Platoon Commander Shankar Rao, were killed and 11 others were injured when Maoists ambushed an STF team of 49 personnel in the forests near Pidmal village under the Polampalli Police Station in Sukma District.
Barely, 24 hours had passed, when the Maoists set afire at least 17 vehicles engaged in mining work at the Barbaspur iron ore mining site under the limits of the Korar Police Station in Kanker District on April 12. Striking on the same day, the Maoists attacked a Border Security Force (BSF) contingent that was patrolling the Chhote Baithiya BSF Camp under the Bande Police Station area, in Kanker District, late in the night of April 12, killing a trooper. Later, the body of one Maoist, killed in the return of fire, was recovered. On April 13, five Chhattisgarh Armed Force (CAF) personnel were killed and another seven were injured, when Maoists blew up a mine protected vehicle (MPV) near Khudiyapara village on Kirandul-Cholnar Road in Dantewada District.
On April 15, the body of Bira Basant, a District Force (DF) trooper who was abducted by Maoists on April 7, was found on the Gangaloor-Bijapur Road with Maoist pamphlets strewn around. On April 10, in an incident that did not received much attention, armed Maoists numbering around 30 to 40, set ablaze an under-construction Police Station in the Mudhia Mohara village in the Dongargarh area of Rajnandgaon District. The spate of violence has again brought the focus on the Maoists and their surviving strengths and capabilities.
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP)database, in all theatres of Left Wing Extremist (LWE) violence across States, there were 314 fatalities, including 128 civilians, 87 Security Forces (SFs) personnel and 99 CPI-Maoist cadres, in LWE-related incidents in 2014. This was less than a third of such fatalities in the peak year, 2010, when at 1,180 fatalities were recorded. Maoist violence has come down to zero fatalities in West Bengal, from a peak of 425 killed in 2010; and has declined sharply in other States, including Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Odisha, Maharashtra and Bihar.
The situation in Jharkhand has also seen major reverses for the Maoists. Significantly, the Bastar Division of Chhattisgarh alone accounted for 55 out of 87 SF fatalities across the States in 2014; as against 45 out of 111 in 2013. The deteriorating trend seems to be continuing, with the Bastar Division accounts for 24 of 30 SF fatalities across all States, in 2015, as of April 19. That Bastar Division has, consequently, emerged as the nucleus of the Maoist Tactical Counter-offensive (TCO).
In the current year, as of April 19, Chhattisgarh has recorded 37 fatalities in LWE-related violence – including nine civilians, 24 SF personnel and four Maoists. All these fatalities have occurred in Bastar Division. Beyond the crude data, among the latest incidents, two are significant because they buck the trend and in view of their potential ramifications. Firstly, unlike most of the past major incidents where the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) were principally targeted, it was the Chhattisgarh Police that has now suffered major casualties. In the Pidmal ambush, an STF team of 49 personnel led by platoon commander Shankar Rao had gone for a swift operation, based on intelligence received by Rao.
The probably planted intelligence appears to have been extremely tempting, seducing Rao into launching the operation without due clearances and sufficient backup. The unit made a journey of 18 kilometres through the jungles in the dark of night, but was ambushed in the morning. The eventual encounter was spread over three kilometres and involved three gun battles. Shankar Rao was killed in the first round of fire. Two subsequent engagements killed three troopers each. However, the STF managed to withdraw, managing to keep the total casualties low and losing just two weapons. The pattern reflected the February 2, 2015, Kanker ambush, in which Bande Station House Officer (SHO) Avinash Sharma and Gopniya Sainik (secret agent) Sonu Ram Gawde were killed and another six SF personnel – three each from the Police and BSF – were injured, the team was led by Sharma, who received the apparently planted intelligence. Sharma was killed in the first hail of bullets from Maoists.
Eight Maoists Held In Bihar After Police Encounter
MUZAFFARPUR: The security forces today arrested eight Maoists following an encounter with them in Bihar’s naxal-infested Muzaffarpur district, a police officer said. Acting on a tip-off, the security forces comprising CRPF, STF and district police raided Suhasi village in search of scores of Maoists hiding there, Additional Superintendent of Police (ASP) Brijesh Rana said. The Maoists, however, tried to escape by firing 40 rounds on the security forces who returned the fire in which an unidentified Maoist sustained injuries, he said. The security forces later arrested the injured Maoist and seven others, the ASP said, adding that two country-made rifles and two pressure cooker bombs were recovered from the spot.
Maoist leader arrested in Jharkhand
Police arrested Rijus Ekka alias Khakha, a member of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) area committee, from Bagicha Toli in Tupudana in Jagannathpur on the outskirts of Ranchi District on April 19, reports The Telegraph. Khakha was wanted in several Maoist-related cases. Banned Naxalite [Left Wing Extremism (LWE)] literatures, one mobile phone and two SIM cards were recovered from his possession.
Once more the “defeat of terrorism” is preached to the four corners of the world: from the genocidal demagogue Garcia Perez, to the various self-proclaimed and well paid “senderologists”; and from the political parties of reaction and their flunkies, to the bloody police forces; from the muddled and desperate presidential candidates, to well-maintained hacks of all sorts; in unison, as should be expected, all shout at the top of their lungs the purported and worn out ” defeat of Sendero,” so they, in defense of Peruvian reaction and especially of the big bourgeoisie, of social-imperialism and of imperialism, mainly Yankee can create counterrevolutionary public opinion for the benefit of the Old State and the armed forces’ counterinsurgency plans.
Once more their cruel black dream of forever crushing the people and annihilating the People’s War sets in motion the fraud of the “defeat of Sendero, “which will materialize, they claim without proof, as ghosts labeled “strategic failure,” or “the first and foremost loser,” and “split and surrender” of Sendero. As their notorious wishful thinking prays, the Peoples’ War “got into the swamp” in 1989, the elections would show the great defeat of the boycott, and the Party would split, and the fighters of the People’s Army of Liberation would surrender. Let’s begin with the so-called “strategic failure” due to “Sendero’s falling into a swamp in 1989.” Nothing better than starting from the Report on “Great Fulfillment of the Pilot Plan!”, presented to the Central committee in June of last year , one of whose parts we transcribe below:
I. GUERRILLA ACTIONS. PLANS AND CAMPAIGNS DURING NINE YEARS OF PEOPLE’S WAR.
“The process of forging and development of nine years of People’s War contains four milestones: 1. Definition, 2. Preparation, 3. Beginning and, 4. Development; The People’s War, strictly, speaking has developed as a process of qualitative leaps by means of four plans up to now. Each plan is a more higher and comprehensive than the previous plan expressing thus how the People’s War has been getting more complex.
1. THE BEGINNING PLAN, fulfilled by way of two sub plans, spans less than a year: a) from May to July of 1980, 280 actions were completed. That was the beginning; and, b) from July to December of 1980, driving forward the People’s War, fulfilling 1,062 actions. We already notice a leap, a growth, and the time also was longer: in total 1,342 actions.
2. THE DEPLOYMENT PLAN was broader yet, the plans spanning longer periods and consisting of more campaigns. Deployment had a previous plan: Opening up guerrilla zones, and developing platoons and detachments leading to Bases of support. Since the objective was to unfold the war fanning throughout the country, three campaigns were conceived:
a. Conquering weapons and resources,
b. Shaking up the countryside with guerrilla actions,
c. Scouting for the advance toward Bases of support, this last was applied in two stages. It spanned two years and carried out 5,350 actions. While the earlier plan initiated the armed struggle, this new phase generated the New Power. By the end of this plan, the armed forces entered directly to fight us (December of 82). This plan was more complex: several campaigns began to be managed as part of the same plan, each campaign marked by the definition of political strategy and military strategy.
3. PLAN OF CONQUERING BASES, from May 1983 to September of 86. First two campaigns were unfolded: Defend, Develop and Construct precisely in 1983-84, which was the most difficult moment; the armed forces were stopped short by those campaigns. This third plan developed a Campaign of great importance with a sub plan, The Great Leap, which meant largely overcoming the problems, and expanding the theater of military and political operations from Cajamarca to Puno, centered in the mountains but also spanning the Jungle and the Coast. By then, too, reaction thought they had annihilated us and swept away the People’s War. The plan of Conquering Bases took three years, four months, and consisted of 28,621 actions; it provided support bases and the entire support system, guerrilla zones, zones of operation and points of action.
4. GREAT PLAN OF DEVELOPING BASES (GPDB), with this we entered a very transcendental process because the support bases are the core of the People’s War, there is no People’s War without support bases; the Central Committee [of the PCP] decided to apply the plan first as a Pilot Plan, from December 1986 to May 89, 2 years eight months more or less, with three campaigns, the third one in two parts; it consisted of 63,052 actions; it showed its merits and exceeded the objectives, now we begin its definitive approval. Thus, we have in nine years a total of 98,365 actions; counting the complementary actions there were more than 100,000; mainly, the great final conclusion completed in July, as a second special ending. The plans are strategically centralized and tactically decentralized; they are strategic plans that include actions and construction; they are developed through campaigns.
Later the plan begin to be more complex and of longer duration; later still sub plans are developed, or limited plans developed within the general plans; and finally on entering into the GPDB, we propose applying it as a pilot plan. Each plan has its political and military strategy. They are tested and implemented in battle; the results show the readjustments to be made, and above all the subsequent conditions for the success of the subsequent plan. We concretize our judgement of the results in clear phrases that allow us to wield them easily, for example: “The Great Completion of the Pilot Plan!” The Central Committee approves Strategic Operating plans; such as the 1979 Expanded National Conference agreed upon, strategically centralized plans, which also takes into consideration the operational situation and establish the four forms of struggle:
1. agitation and propaganda,
3. selective annihilation and,
4. guerrilla combat.
They determine the parts, establish periods and fix the chronology. We must always pay close attention to strategic centralization, since that’s what determines our ability to within the plan and to develop the revolutionary waves systematically and simultaneously hit diverse and broad areas with all possible forms and means, to deliver hard and serious defeats to the enemy. Those who have studied the principles and military theory of President Mao always point out that he established a strategically centralized plan, a key point that allows us to develop the actions: Applying it has enabled us to deliver hard and simultaneous blows to the enemy in almost the entire country, thus causing them more difficulties. We must insist on strategically centralized plans, without forgetting they are tactically decentralized.
Apply Strategic Operating Plans because these establish the nexus between strategy and tactics. Already comrade Stalin had suggested visualizing the bond joining the strategic whole with the concrete actions. Let’s point out how we began “out of nothing,” because that is how President Mao taught us. The main thing is to have a Party with a correct and just line, then the problem is to begin. Since the problem is not how many we are but is rather, if we want to initiate the armed struggle or not.
With the People’s War we have developed the Party, built the People’s Guerrilla Army (today the People’s Army of Liberation) and molded the New Power, and our mass work has experienced great quantitative and qualitative leaps; we have been wresting the weapons away from the enemy and the transfer of modern weapons is taking place more often. The People’s War has brought us to the Grand Completion of the Pilot Plan, which we finished successfully and brilliantly! Thus, we have exceeded the accomplishment of the Pilot Plan of the Great Plan to Develop Bases; from that derives the need to Drive Forward the Support Bases. If we had not conceived it that way [as a pilot plan], it would not have the sense of having been completed. It began as pilot plan because this great plan implied very important qualitative changes. It was already proved in practice, its mandatory objective was to proceed with, Drive Forward the Development of Support Bases! , within the new GREAT PLAN OF DEVELOPING BASES TO SERVE THE CONQUEST OF POWER in the entire country.
In nine years we have developed, through these plans, the People’s Army and the New Power and we have applied and will insist that the Party leads the People’s War and absolutely leads the army, since we are guided by the Party commanding the gun and will never allow the gun to be in command of the Party. We have also insisted that, as President Mao taught us,war follows politics; we will follow Lenin: War is the continuation of politics by military means; it has been and will continue to be that way, therefrom derives the class character of war. When Marxism is negated by others, we communists have to reaffirm ourselves more in our principles. When we confront counterrevolutionary campaigns like those worldwide against Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, like those in our country against the Party and the People’s War, those are the moments we must grasp our principles more firmly and visualize the undeclinable objective toward which we are going: Communism.
Let’s insist on this more today, when Gorbachev, Deng and their cronies spread that we can no longer understand war with criteria from the past, that we can no longer say war is the continuation of politics; that what Clausewitz set forth, to which Lenin agreed and President Mao developed, is not a principle that applies today according to Gorbachev, who also cries out loud that war will take us to the disappearance of the human race, that war will have neither winners nor losers because no one will survive it: sinister positions he inherited from Khrushchev. We condemn, and mark with fire, those revisionist positions against the People’s War; we reaffirm ourselves that People’s War is the continuation of politics by the force of arms in the service of the proletariat and the people, of their interests. If we were not firm in our principles and flexible in their application we’d lose the direction of the people’s war and crash down into revisionism. That’s why we must persist in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, in the people’s war and in the Communist Party leading it until Communism. Furthermore, let’s emphasize:
2. more complex plan;
3. the new, Great Plan of Developing Bases to Serve the Conquest of Power in the entire Country! ; and,
4. persisting in the principles of People’s War.
COMBAT ACTIONS AND ARMED STRIKE.
The Pilot Plan was successfully completed in three campaigns. The second part of the third campaign, Grand Completion of the Pilot Plan! , Whose balance we are evaluating, materialized an increment of 172% compared to the first part, a very noticeable increase even if the second part lasted longer than the first. In nine years of People’s War there were 100,000 actions, this figure does not include complementary actions. The total number of actions of the, Grand Completion of the Pilot Plan! was 32,646 and the third campaign, in its two parts, shows an immense jump relative to the second campaign of the Pilot Plan, since it quadruples it despite lasting only three more months; there we have one of the extraordinary results of the First Congress of the Party.
AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA.
It’s one of the four forms of People’s War and, consequently, it is erroneous to see it as a separate thing; not to see it as a form of war leads us to make mistakes. The main thing is to develop it as the most profound campaign of agitation and propaganda ever made by any party in the country; that is, propaganda as the diffusion of ideas aiming toward the objective, and agitation as the utilization of concrete problems, which the masses struggle through. These actions, like the other forms, spread revolution, People’s War, politics, ideology; today they disseminate the need to conquer Power countrywide. Thus, we go down to the lowest masses, who normally can neither read nor write;
Engels taught us to solidify with facts the ideas in the minds of men, as a matter of principle; it is the material fact that generates knowledge; the four forms of war are material facts that those who execute them, or experience them, militants, fighters and masses, go on enduring the effect and the confirmation of the need for the war, for conquering political objectives, for conquering Power; of the need for the ideology of the proletariat. Thus, agitation and propaganda deepen among the masses of the country, stir the mind, disseminate and go on confirming the need for revolution; they deal with the real source of knowledge.
Agitation and propaganda develop as psychological action and psychological warfare. Lenin said that propaganda is never lost, no matter how much time there is between the sowing and the reaping, and if the action is done with weapons in hand, with armed actions aimed at mobilizing the masses, that is the best school to forge the people in the ideology of the proletariat, in the politics of the Party and in the need for the People’s War to conquer Power. Let’s consider its great importance: it is linked to winning over and to forming public opinion to the fact that the People’s War goes on generating a spirit of transformation among the masses, as Tulio C. Guerrero says. It has much potential to disseminate the People’s War, and is fundamental to generate public opinion, to accentuate the People’s War, the political objectives, the conquest of Power, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought, the ideology, the politics of the Party and the policies on different levels, and we must keep in mind that we cannot conquer Power without generating public opinion.
They continue to play an important role, hitting the Peruvian economy hard, which develops itself in the worst conditions, in the deepest crisis in our history. Sabotaging the mining sector that has transcendent importance because the largest percentage of convertible currency comes from this activity; it hits the Peruvian State directly because, besides creating problems for it, those are blows it receives in the economic activity of the State, for instance Centromin. It creates problems for the State itself, we burden with debt their corporative plans, which are fouled up. Furthermore, their “social measures,” which they must always recur, are also hit and so the counterrevolutionary armed action itself is weakened.
The sabotage of the electrical network is very important; the last few blackouts affected nine departments, from the northern Department La Libertad to the southern Department of ICA and going through the nation’s capital, going inside the departments of Junin, Pasco, Hu nuco, Ayacucho, Huancavelica, the heart of their economic system, the very axis of their administrative system, which is the capital. The blackouts are generating more problems for them each time.
The paper El Comercio [Lima] published about the last blackout that electricity could only be restored in Lima 10 days afterward. They have implied that they intend to utilize more thermal generators, a greater expense because the cost to produce that type of energy is very high. Besides hitting the public administration and their banking system data processing, industry also experiences difficulties. They greatly impact on the masses because whoever sees the blackout knows what its cause is, and the masses see how the Peruvian State, expressing its class character, tends first to the needs of the big bourgeoisie and postpones those of the people; that way, the masses are gradually forging clearer judgement each time.
The big bourgeoisie suffers with the sabotages, hence the Society of Mines and Petroleum demand that armed forces and police reinforce the military occupation in the mines. The main thing is to let the effects of sabotage be felt in the most important, most advanced economic zone, in the central economic zone which at the same time is the most strategic zone to restructure the old Peruvian society, their old State.
It is increasing and hitting hard the authorities. We reaffirm that this is way the functioning of the State apparatus is beheaded and paralyzed. Some, the reactionaries and their cronies the opportunists, say “how is it possible to vilely murder mayors elected by the people?” First, it must be explained that the election is only a reactionary instrument of the bourgeois democratic system. We will never allow ourselves to be deceived by the political stupidity of those who only speak of dictatorship if there are no elections. United Left (IU) and their ilk may say such things; but a communist can never think that way since the State, first and foremost, is a class dictatorship, and the mayors, the governors, or the bureaucratic authorities, of the CORDES or similar organizations, are part of that State system, of that violent reactionary structure. Hitting or beheading State authorities or bureaucrats of whatever level hampers the running of the State and even more generates a Power vacuum.
One of the traditional problems of the Peruvian State, as Mariategui already noted, is that it has never been able to extend its power to the remotest corners of the country; it is a fact that reaction is sited in central locations, in the cities, and has been extending its power to intermediate size cities, and once in a while it reaches small cities; while the annexes or towns in the countryside, villages or shantytowns are beyond the State and do not endure steady control; it is a problem linked to the semi-feudal bases sustaining it.
So, then, the annihilations undermine the State order and that is good. It helps to erode it, because the political vacuum created is left in our hands, to fill it and exert power. Having five forms of Power we can set up any one of them. Remember that some say, ”the Vietnam example is good,” but they forget 13,000 authorities were annihilated there; thus, the annihilations made by the Vietnamese were good, but the ones we make are bad? Why? What objectives did they accomplish and do we accomplish? To undermine order, a problem clearly established by Cassinello in [his book] Guerrilla and Counter guerrilla Warfare.
The quantity is high and its percentage [within the four forms of guerrilla warfare] begins to grow even more. The two fundamental forms of combat actions are developing: 1) ambushes and 2. assaults. Ambushes are developed, each time more stunningly and we are hitting the armed forces; to [selectively] hit their officers has much importance and we already see its results: petitions to leave the army are growing so much that they had to prohibit them; desertions increase and clashes among them are starting; the selling of weapons is increasing and will continue to grow. On this point reaction reaches the extremes of sarcasm, stupidity and ridicule by decrying we are “cowardly ambushing them,” “they don’t fight face to face.” In what ambush does one show the face?
The key to ambush is surprise. Ambush is a norm to us, as it is to all armies, but we should not allow ourselves to be ambushed nor counter ambushed. When we hit the military, they cry out, “Barbaric! ,” “Brutal murder!”; so then, how do they say “we are at war” and what role do their armed forces have other than to fight in a war? Mercado Jarrin says the armed forces are the “insurance policy of the nation”; yes, they are the insurance policy of reaction and its backbone; that is why we have to annihilate them totally and completely. Guerrilla combat, like annihilations, are lowering the morale of the armed forces, which are drafted troops fighting against their will, with little instruction and kept in check by ferocious reactionary iron discipline.
Some say they would rather have a more reduced professional army, better armed with sophisticated weapons and very well paid, but that would not be beneficial to them, it would only allow us to increase our forces and make more critical the disproportionate ratio between us and them; as is well known, the norm is that when a guerrilla activity is well developed, reaction requires a ratio of up to 20 to one, as shown by international experience; in our case, although we are not highly developed, they need to increase their forces. In second place, can they do it? , No. They do not possess enough means to do it, officers themselves are badly paid and the severe crisis the country is experiencing does not permit great investments like that, consequently they need the “foreign aid” of the superpowers and/or imperialist powers and to them they appeal more and more. The USSR just sold them helicopters from Afghanistan at bargain prices.
The USA gives them “military aid,” training and giving them resources, and their direct participation is obvious, such as the struggle against “drug trafficking” in words and against the People’s War in deeds. Keep in mind what we have seen already about a possible Yankee aggression, considering especially the U.S. actions in Huallaga; remember what we read in the military magazine of the U.S. army about national strategy, it maintains that even not having a declared war, they develop subversive wars, insurrections, terrorist actions, drug trafficking and that those are areas in which the armed forces must participate and fight. Thus, they are finding serious problems with the development of the guerrilla combat. As regards quality, we are seeing a leap especially in the guerrilla combats; each time the assaults are more important, an example is Uchiza, which even caused the enemy internal contradictions between the armed forces and the government, and between the armed forces and police forces; and successive ambushes show a better handling of them.
It is a new modality in the struggle, which implies an entire combination of actions, it has to manage the four forms of war: agitation and propaganda, sabotage, selective annihilation and guerrilla combat; and at the same time it implies mobilizing an enormous mass which helps the force of the New Power, the existence of the New State and the questioning and negation of the old State. The armed strike, militarily speaking, manages the four forms and impacts on huge numbers of masses leading to isolating vast areas and demonstrating besides how easy it is to isolate the capital city (Lima). Since 1979 we know that Lima is the most vulnerable capital in Latin America, keep that in mind to continue hitting them, and for tomorrow, when we have Power in the whole country, we will defend it from counterrevolution.
Confronted with armed strikes reaction will aim, as it does, to fetter them and prevent them, to break them up; it will make false calls to strike or will use its weapons; for instance in Chosica they called a false strike just to make a show of force, to pressure, intimidate and lead the masses to reject the strike; but that will not be enough for them, they will have to repress the armed strikes, answer them militarily, not merely as a show of force, but to break the actual armed strikes with fire and blood. Armed strikes are also making the revisionists nervous, the trade union bureaucracy, all those who ride on the backs of the masses; these hacks will continue opposing the armed strikes claiming these are “an authoritarian imposition,” that “the unions are not the ones calling them.”
Our answer is simple: it is not an industrial or trade union action but a military action to keep on isolating, hitting, eroding and undermining the old order so the people can see clearer each time the powerlessness, which the Peruvian State is being reduced to. Therefore, we are not talking only about a struggle for labor demands or just vindications, but rather we are developing a military action to undermine the old order, show its impotency, create public opinion and impact the broader masses; and that, in perspective, entails the sectionalizing of the country in a more extensive way, which will involve another problem of the plan we put in motion: the leap from guerrilla warfare to mobile warfare.
Military work develops in the country and the city following the path of surrounding the cities from the countryside, and our specific condition is that we also shake up the cities, but the four forms of war develop mainly in the countryside, and as complement in the cities. That scheme will continue to develop more, considering that the armed strike happens above all in the cities; for example the armed strike in Central Peru involving important cities like Huancayo, Jauja, Oroya, Huanuco, Cerro de Pasco; that is, departmental and provincial capitals.
Work in the countryside is good, extremely important and principal, but advancing the work in the cities is a necessity that will increase and we must focused on that type of work. In synthesis, as regards quality and quantity we can say that qualitatively and quantitatively the People’s War is developing strongly and vigorously; we persist on the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside; the countryside is principal and the encirclements are already closing in more and more. Therefore, the People’s War has made a great quantitative and qualitative leap in this Pilot Plan and it germinates a more transcendent advance.
PLAN OF STRATEGIC DEVELOPMENT
Our investigation shows that everything remains firmly grounded within the main points (the axis, sub axis, directions and mobile lines), they are well established and are being managed even better. What derives from this is that at this moment we have no need to change things; it would even be inconvenient to alter them at this time. Reaction enters into strong difficulties and contradictions; the problem of the municipal and general elections, the two electoral runs and the new administration take them to a collusion and contention; but each collusion is sustained within the contention and can explode at any time; these situations, of contention, of rupture, that can even lead to a coup d’etat at least in the next two years that must lead us to advance boldly. For that reason it is not convenient to vary our plans and we must strive to wield them better. Don’t forget that all of our Party’s work is developed within the strategic development plan, provided that the Party leads everything.
THEATER OF OPERATIONS
It remains even clearer that we are developing within the Sierra region of the country. Historically Peru has had a vertebrate axis: the center-south mountains, it was that way at the times of the Incas; in the war with Chile it was the area defending itself better and where forces can retreat before a foreign attack. We also develop within the jungle strips, areas which are showing good fighting conditions for the masses; most peasants there are linked to coca growing, the Upper Huallaga is the largest producing area in Latin America, larger than those in Colombia and Bolivia; for that reason as well it is important to reaction. We are also developing within the Apurimac jungle strip and we must emphasize our penetration into the Central region.
The perspective is to cover all the jungle strips. The theater is also being extended on the Coast. From the edges of the Coastal areas, you can penetrate into the Sierra, for example the mid-North (Norte medio) and the Mid- South. This leads us to develop the other coastal zones, especially the work in the northern and southern coast of our country. Also, to develop more the cities in the Sierra. It is very important to focus the struggle in the cities, it has to do with the insurrection; if we don’t prepare for the seizure of the cities, mainly the largest ones, to complete the final stage of the People’s War, the conquest of power in the entire country will be delayed. The work in Lima must be developed more, considering that it is the capital.
Also the theater enables us to develop incursions, which facilitate developing the theater or retreating during enemy offensives. In synthesis, the theater is showing its expansion and the interrelation between the committees, also the capacity of incursion between the one and the others. Consequently, the perspective of the theater is to vertebrate the entire People’s War. With the development of the war, we will have to redefine the committees, above all to conform to the development of the EGP (People’s Army.) Thus, the theater shows how it is expanding and we see a process of vertebrate in which the encirclement of the cities is setting in, not just the capital but the rest of the cities too. This ends the partially transcribed report. But let us consider the following outline:
PLANS AND CAMPAIGNS OF THE PEOPLE’S WAR
THIRD MILESTONE: BEGINNING OF THE PEOPLE’S WAR
I. INITIATION PLAN (MAY-DEC. 1980) Initiate the Armed Struggle
Drive Forward Guerrilla Warfare
1, 342 actions
FOURTH MILESTONE: DEVELOPMENT OF GUERRILLA WARFARE
II. DEPLOYMENT PLAN (JAN. 81- JAN 83)
Open Guerrilla Zones
First Campaign: Conquer Arms and Resources
Second Campaign: Rock the Countryside with Guerrilla Actions
Third Campaign: Stir 1 and 2 [in the countryside] to Advance Toward the Support Bases
5, 350 actions
III. PLAN TO CONQUER BASES (MAY 1983-SEP. 1986)
Defend Develop and Construct I and II
First Campaign: Initiate Great Leap!
Second Campaign: Develop the Great Leap!
Third Campaign: Develop the People’s War!
Fourth Campaign: Cap off the Great Leap! (First Part) Cap off the Great Leap with a Golden Seal! (Second Part)
28, 621 actions
IV. GREAT PLAN TO DEVELOP BASES.
PILOT PLAN (DEC. 1986-MAY 1989)
First Campaign: Pilot Plan to Develop Bases
Second Campaign: To Brilliantly Fullfill it and Establish a Historical Miliestone!
Third Campaign: To consolidate and Develop the Great Completion! (First Part) Great Completion of the Pilot Plan! (Second Part)
63, 052 actions
V. GREAT PLAN TO DEVELOP BASES AND TO SERVE THE CONQUEST OF POWER (AUG. 89- )
First Campaign: To Drive Forward the Development of Support Bases
The partial implementation to the end of 1989.
23, 090 actions
TOTAL NUMBER OF ACTIONS
NOTE: Up to this time four milestones have been specified in the development of the People’s War:
FIRST: DEFINITION, whose center is the IX Plenum of the Central Committee, June of 1979.
SECOND: PREPARATION, centered in the Expanded National Conference, November 1979.
Furthermore, this table does not include the actions carried out within the complementaries [of each established plan]. This shows clearly the immense progress and great development of the People’s War, unless someone tried to sustain the absurd claim that the leap was quantitative, a change, but not qualitative. It is seen clearly and convincingly how each subsequent plan implies a higher leap than the previous one. If we compare plans III and IV, although plan III took three years and four months, and plan IV only took two years and six months, the number of actions in the latter plan more than doubles the former. On the other hand, if we consider the application of the new GREAT PLAN TO DEVELOP BASES IN SERVICE OF THE CONQUEST OF POWER just begun in August of 1989 with the First Campaign of Driving Forward the Development of Support Bases, in its four months of execution, until the end of last year, it materialized 23,090 guerrilla actions.
Consequently, considering that four months is half the duration of the Grand Completion of the Pilot Plan! , The second part of the preceding plan, the new Great Plan has already achieved the notable increase of 41.5 percent in its guerrilla actions; an increase whose importance is better understood if we keep in mind the enormous increment that the completion of the Pilot Plan implied. And if we compare results, the 23,090 guerrilla actions involve 19.0 percent of the total actions up to December of 1989; 23.5% of the actions in the nine years before this plan started and 36.6% of the actions in the entire Pilot Plan. In about four months we achieved almost 37% of what we achieved previously in thirty!
There it is, the new Great Plan has begun resolutely and victoriously. Finally, if we center on 1989, the year of the proclaimed and supposed “swamping”; considering from October 88 to December 89, a period in which 32,644 actions were registered in the completion referred to above and 23,090 in the New Plan, we have a total of 55,736 guerrilla actions; that is about 46% of all the actions completed. There you have the great “defeat of Sendero!”
CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
Ediciones Bandera Roja, May 1990
Palermo Italy Mfpr for Atik and Yeni Kadin
The Revolutionary Proletarian Feminist Movement (MFPR, Italy) strongly condemns the arrest of the comrades of New Woman and ATIK and mobilizes for their immediate release. Our delegation met with these comrades, on the occasion of their 13th congress of Yeni Kadin in Germany on 7th and 8th of February. With them we shared experiences and the need to join our forces to expand and consolidate the struggle of women, keeping as central the condition of proletarian women and women workers. With this spirit of unity, we express the utmost solidarity with the comrades New Woman and ATIK and call all women, working women, rebels girl to strong condemn this repressive attack. In particular we address the women who in recent months have mobilized to take the side with the Kurdish fighters, to mobilize today against the same enemy that now imprisons the Turkish activists in Europe: the European imperialists states and the Turkish State!
It is an important battle because this repressive attack is an attack on all women who struggle, fight against this barbaric and oppressive imperialist system, and is aimed to hit a particularly important sector in the forefront of this battle, from the streets of Turkey to Kobane, to the citadels in Europe. These women are “dangerous” for the Turkish regime and imperialist states because they show to all women the revolutionary way to the liberation.
Botschaft an ATIK vom Verein Neue Demokratie – Mensaje a ATIK de la Asociación de Nueva Democracia
Proletarier aller Länder, vereinigt euch! Botschaft an ATIK vom Verein Neue Demokratie Liebe Genossen von ATIK, im Namen des Vereins Neue Demokratie wenden wir uns an euch, um energisch die willkürliche und ungerechtfertigte Repression, in Gang gesetzt von den Behörden der BRD und der Schweiz, mit den Festnahmen von 10 Mitgliedern – führende Männer und Frauen – eurer Arbeiterorganisation und Einbrüchen in Wohnungen usw., die die Polzeikräfte am 15. April durchführten, zu verurteilen und zurück zu weisen. Unsere Überzeugung ist: Dass die Repression der Behörden gegen eure Organisation nicht auf andere Weise zu erklären ist, als als einen Ausdruck einer Haltung von reaktionärer Rache, weil eure Organisation konsequent die Rechte der Arbeiter, der Einwanderer und der Frauen in diesem Land und in Europa verteidigt und für eure kämpferische Solidarität mit den Werktätigen und Völkern der Welt in ihrem Kampf gegen den Imperialismus und alle Reaktionäre.
Wir fordern: Dass die Behörden der BRD unmittelbar mit der Repression gegen eure Organisation, ihre Führer und Mitglieder im Allgemeinen aufhören und die unmittelbare Freilassung der verhafteten Genossen und Genossinnen und die Rückgabe aller Güter und Materialien, die bei den Polizei-Razzien beschlagnahmt wurden.
Für die Solidarität der Werktätigen und Völker der Welt!
VND 17. April 2015
¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!
Mensaje a ATIK de la Asociación de Nueva Democracia
Estimados Compañeros de ATIK En nombre de la Asociación de Nueva Democracia nos dirigimos a Ustedes para condenar y rechazar en forma enérgica la represión arbitraria e injusta desatada por las autoridades de la RFA y de Suiza con la captura de 10 miembros y de dirigentes hombres y mujeres de vuestra organización de trabajadores y con allanamiento de locales, etc. realizada por las fuerzas policiales el día 15 de abril. Consideramos: Que la represión de las autoridades contra vuestra organización no se puede explicar de otra manera que por una actitud de venganza reaccionaria debido a vuestra consecuente defensa de los derechos de los trabajadores, de los migrantes y de las mujeres en este país y en Europa.
Asimismo, por vuestra solidaridad militante con los trabajaroes y los pueblos del mundo en su lucha contra el imperialismo y todos los reaccionarios. Exigimos: Que las autoridades de la RFA cesen de inmediato la represión contra vuestra organización, dirigentes y demás miembros y la puesta en libertad inmediata de los compañeros y compañeras detenidas y la devolución de los bienes y materiales incautado por la razia policial. ¡Por la solidaridad internacional de los trabajadores y los pueblos del mundo! AND 17 de abril 2015
from Italy to ATIK- Yeni Kadin -YDG
To ATIK, Yeni Kadin and YDG
Dear comrades, We jointly express our warmest and active solidarity, against of the infamous repressive operation on you launched by the European imperialists. It is a solidarity that contains anger, indignation for the attempt to stop your organizations but especially the proletarian, women’s and youth masses who are a powerful and growing force in the heart of the imperialist countries, serving not only the Turkish and Kurdish people’s struggle and but the whole revolutionary and democratic movement in Europe. If they hit you thy hit all of us! So we will to mobilize as if the comrades hit were part of our own struggles and organizations. We immediately spread your press release via web and called to mobilize all our militants to inform the entire revolutionary, democratic and anti-imperialist movements in our country.
Our base of Palermo has already set in motion with a public initiative. The same will occur in other Italian cities in the coming days. We hope that these false case may fall soon and wish we can have your / our comrades with us already in the May Day demos. Of course, we are ready, after May Day, to take any further action that may be necessary to achieve the goal of their release. This operation shows that your struggle strengthens becoming an increasing danger for the Turkish State and the European imperialist states.
LONG LIVE THE INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY!
LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE!
FREEDOM FOR THE COMRADES!
Slai cobas for the Class Union – National Coordinating Committee
Revolutionary Proletarian Feminist movement
Proletarian Red Relief
Proletarian Communists-PCm Italy
ICSPWI solidarity with ATIK
The International Committee of Support to the People’s War in India (ICSPWI) expresses its solidarity to the activists and leaders of ATIK and New Woman hit by a serious repressive operation and plot aimed to stop their democratic and revolutionary struggle. ATIK and New Woman were always in the frontline in the support to the masses in India, giving their full availability to take part in different form the solidarity campaigns. ATIK and New Woman are firm supporters of the revolutionary struggle of the people in India and the CPI (Maoist) that leads them.
So, the attack on ATIK is an attack on our Committee and the international and internationalist mobilization for India. Therefore we are ready give all our contribution to the democratic and anti-imperialist mobilization necessary for the release of all the arrested comrades.
PCm Italy for ATIK
PCm Italy condemns before the proletarians, the masses, the revolutionary and democratic forces, the women’s movement, the serious repressive attack unleashed by the States in Germany and Switzerland against ATIK, New Woman, YDG and the mass associations of Turkish workers, women and youth in Europe. It is an attack against the strength of the Turkish revolutionary movement and its organizations, to deprive all our movement of an important component in the fight against fascism, imperialism, racism, in the struggle for the proletarian internationalism.
Therefore, the entire anti-fascist, anti repression, anti-imperialist, internationalist movement have to take the field. Proletarian communists will call especially the Communists to mobilize. As everyone knows, these large mass associations hit are led by the TKP/ML, a party that is an important component of the communist movement in Turkey, in Europe and in the world. We consider the TKP/ML a brother party and these mass organizations united in the struggle with all the mass organizations operating in our country. Here the slogan “If they hit one, they hit all of us” means: if they hit an organization they hit all organizations. Solidarity is a weapon! They want to disarm the Turkish communist movement who has given and gives a great contribution of martyrs, political prisoners to the revolutionary struggle, from Istanbul to Kobane. The proletarian internationalism calls us to a special effort.
HANDS OFF ATIK AND NEW WOMEN!
REPRESSION WILL NOT STOP THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE!
Civilians biggest casualty of Naxal violence
While left wing extremism (LWE) — the government’s preferred phrase for Naxal-related violence — has caused over 20,000 deaths in the country since 1980, it is not the extremists or the security forces who have suffered the most. Data accessed by The Hindu shows that a majority of those killed were civilians. In fact, the ongoing conflict has claimed at least one life every single day over a 35-year period beginning 1980. The total body count, as on June 30, 2013, stood at 19,327, according to information obtained under the Right to Information Act. Latest data compiled by the Ministry of Home Affairs adds another 685 fatalities to the record taking the total tally to 20,012 as on March 30, 2015.
As many as 12,146 civilians lost their lives to LWE-related violence across the country during this period for which official data, accessed by The Hindu, is available. During this period, 4,761 extremists and 3,105 security personnel were killed. That adds up to about two security personnel dying for every three extremists killed.
The year 2010 was the bloodiest of this insurgency, leading to the death of 1,177 persons — over 60 per cent of them civilians. The year saw the horrific Dantewada ambush that led to the death of 75 CRPF men and one Chhattisgarh police constable, the Gyaneshwari Express derailment, the Dantewada bus bombing and the Silda camp attack in Midnapore among other incidents. In fact, the six years from 2005 to 2010 were the bloodiest in the entire two-decade timeline, with the reported death of 5,916 persons. The information was provided by the Naxal Management Division of the Union Ministry of Home Affairs to Delhi-based RTI activist Ved Pal, under the Right to Information Act.
The data also shows that the number of deaths among all three categories declined consistently between 2011 and 2013. Curiously, the records show no fatalities in 1986, immediately after which deaths in all categories — especially security forces — witnessed a rapid surge. LWE-affected States have their differing policies on providing financial compensation to families of civilians and state police personnel killed in such violence. However, under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme, the central government reimburses expenditure incurred by the state governments for payment of ex-gratia to the victims — Rs. 1 lakh for every civilian and Rs. 3 lakh for each security personnel killed in LWE violence.
Centre firms up Naxal strategy
The Centre on Saturday firmed up a strategy to give a strong push in the fight against Maoists in the worst-affected state of Chhattisgarh and called for greater synergy among security forces on the ground. At a high-level meeting, chaired by Union home secretary L.C. Goyal with top officials of Chhattisgarh officials, the MHA reviewed the law and order situation in Chhattisgarh and asked the state government to take tough action against Naxals which struck thrice in the last fortnight killing eight security personnel in the state.
Senior officials of CRPF and BSF were also present in the hour-long meeting, official sources said. With a special focus on carrying out anti-Naxal operations in the dense jungles of Bastar, the meeting stressed on close coordination among state police force and Central paramilitary forces so that there is no gap in offensives. A majority of the casualties in Naxal violence in the recent past has taken place in Bastar region, forcing the Centre to take up on an urgent basis an initiative to counter the rebels.
Saibaba admitted to GMCH
Nagpur: Prof GN Saibaba, former lecturer at JNU university in Delhi, who is accused of being a top Maoist cadre, has been admitted to Government Medical College and Hospital on Thursday following complications in health. Physically challenged Saibaba, arrested last year for his Maoist connections, had been on hunger strike in Nagpur Central Jail for last one week. Social and right activists, including Prof Soma Sen, informed the media at Tilak Patrakar Bhavan that Saibaba has withdrawn his hunger strike following intervention of Gadchiroli sessions court, which has urged the jail administration to provide proper medical facilities to the challenged inmate. Saibaba had been trying for bail highlighting his health related issues and inadequacy of jails in providing proper care and facilities to inmates like him who are physically challenged.
Police exchange fire with Naxals in Bastar; couple held
A gun battle took place between police and Naxals today in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar district in which no casualties were reported while a Naxal couple, allegedly involved in an attack on BSF post in Kanker district earlier this week was arrested. The encounter took place at Mudenar village under Paknar police limits this morning, Bastar Superintendent of Police Ajay Yadav told PTI. Getting information that some lower-rung Naxals had called a meeting of villagers at Mudenar, security personnel had been sent to the area, located around 350 km from the state capital, the SP said.
As the police approached the village, Naxals opened fire and fled when the police retaliated. There was no casualty on either side, Yadav said. Earlier in the day a Naxal couple wanted in connection with the gun-battle at Chhote Baithiya BSF post in Kanker district earlier this week was arrested. Dasru Pungati alias Vikram (35) and his wife Nirmala (38) were apprehended from Burgi Pipili village in the neighbouring Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, Station House Officer of Bande police station Naresh Deshmukh said.
They were active in Maharashtra-Chhattisgarh border area for the past several years and handling the Naxal activities in Bande area of Chhattisgarh, he said. A jawan was killed when a group of ultras opened fire on BSF camp in Bande area on the night of April 12. Preliminary investigation revealed the involvement of Dasru and his wife in the attack, and their whereabouts had been traced to Kasansur, following which a team of BSF and local police was dispatched there. They were arrested with the help of Kasansur police and brought to Bande, Deshmukh said.
NSA may review anti-Maoist operations with top agencies
Concerned over the sudden increase in Naxal attacks on security forces in the last few days, national security adviser Ajit Doval is expected to review operations against Maoists with top security and intelligence agencies in the days ahead. Sources said both the Prime Minister’s Office and the Union home ministry are on the same page on the issue of adopting a tough policy against the Naxals and to go on the offensive against them, specially in three key states of Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand.
Apart from reviewing the preparedness of the security forces involved in anti-Naxal operations, the NSA will also look into the aspect of Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) not being followed by the security personnel. About a dozen paramilitary personnel were killed in four separate attacks in a span of three days earlier this month in Chhattisgarh alone. Reports reaching the Centre suggest that had the security personnel been more alert the casualties perhaps would have been much less.
For instance in one incident in Dantewada, the security personnel were not even wearing their seat belts when their vehicles were blown up and this resulted in the death of four, while eight others were critically injured. Security forces are also trying to figure out the exact reason for this sudden spurt in Naxal attacks on security forces. Sources said even though the NSA was travelling with Prime Minister Narendra Modi abroad he was closely monitoring the situation in the Naxal infested areas.
“We think the NSA will carryout a comprehensive review of the Naxal policy, particularly the armed operations against them. Senior officials from paramilitary forces, intelligence agencies and ministries of home and defence will participate in the meeting. But it seems the Centre is keen on a policy of hot pursuit against the Naxals as it has zero tolerance towards violence,” a senior security official remarked. Analysis of the recent attacks done by the security forces indicate that Naxals are trying to consolidate their position further, particularly in areas of dominance in Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Bihar. Security officials claim that even such smaller incidents cannot be ignored. While high-profile attacks have indeed taken place in Chhattisgarh only, sources said there have been sporadic incidents of violence in other states also, including kidnapping of some villagers. Security officials claim that even such smaller incidents cannot be ignored as these may well be an indication of bigger attacks in the days ahead.
Strategy in Place to Contain Maoists: DGP
PHULBANI/BERHAMPUR:Strategies have been drawn to rein in the Maoists in Kandhamal and its neighbouring districts, said DGP Sanjeev Marik on Friday. Inaugurating the Town police station here, Marik said Maoist groups are aiding the villagers in cultivation of ganja in rural pockets of the district with an aim to increase their hold over the area. Since the contraband is cultivated in large areas, it is not possible to destroy it manually. It has been decided to uproot the illegally cultivated ganja with the help of machines, said Marik.
The meeting was attended by Director of Intelligence Sunil Roy, IG (operation) Soumendra Priyadarshi, IG (Intelligence) DS Kutey, DIG (South) Amitav Thakur, SPs of Kandhamal, Ganjam and Nayagarh KV Singh, Narsingh Bhol and Manoranjan Mohanty respectively besides CRPF camp commandants of Bhanjanagar in Ganjam district and Muniguda in Rayagada district. The police station constructed by Odisha Police Housing Corporation at a cost of ` two crore has facilities like waiting hall for visitors with drinking water, toilet facilities and space for 100 security personnel.
Two similar buildings will be inaugurated at Tikabali and Tumudibandh, said sources. The DGP also inaugurated an Anti-Maoist Cell on the premises of the District Police Office.
Maoist posters were found near Kurli panchayat office under Bisamcuttack police limits in Rayagada district on Friday. In the posters, Maoists protested the aggressive operation of the CRPF against them and the plan to establish new CRPF camps in Niyamgiri. The posters and banners were found a day after the IG of CRPF, Piyush Anand, took stock of the steps taken to curtail Maoist menace in the district.
6 suspected Maoists arrested on extortion charges in Bihar
Six suspected Maoists were today arrested from Sheohar, Muzaffarpur and Sitamarhi districts of Bihar on the charges of alleged extortion. The operation was conducted by police teams from here, after complaints were received that a few persons had demanded ‘levy’ or extortion money from brick kiln owners. Muzaffarpur Senior Superintendent of Police Ranjit Kumar Mishra said, “Our men nabbed three persons from Sheohar district, two from Muzaffarpur and one from Sitamarhi.
All of them are connected with each other and we have verified it with their mobile call details.” The SSP said these persons had demanded ‘levy’ from brick kilns under Hathauri police station area in Muzaffarpur district and threatened their owners of dire consequences if the demands were not met. “They had, in fact, written to the brick kiln owners on CPI (Maoist) letterheads demanding levy and giving reference about previous decisions taken regarding it at their meetings. We acted on the complaint from the kilns,” Mishra said. The SSP said the six were being interrogated.
One person killed in Jharkhand, Maoist hand suspected
A 30-year-old man was found bludgeoned to death at Machh Bhandar in Ghatshila subdivision of East Singhbhum District on April 17 triggering suspicion that the murder might be a handiwork of Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist), reports The Telegraph. The victim is yet to be identified. The body was lying near an under-construction canal over Subarnarekha River in the Ghurabandha Police Station area. Boulders used to bludgeon him were also found near the murder spot along with some Maoist posters calling for a hike in wages of kendu (Diospyros Melanoxylon) leaves collectors.
In, “Against Constitutionalist Illusions and for the State of a New Democracy,” the Party said:
“ON THE ELECTIONS. Marx pointed out: ‘Every few years the oppressed are authorized to decide which members of the oppressor class will represent and crush them in parliament!’ And that is even more true when the elections are to approve constitutions. Thus, elections are merely the method to renew the government administration of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie in capitalist societies, and this happens even in the most democratic government we could imagine, and they are the usual means to preserve and develop capitalism. In the landowning-bureaucratic States of Latin America, when elections have fulfilled their function of a changing of the guard, and at times during which the electoral norms of the bourgeois-democratic system are respected, election is just a tool of domination by the semi-feudal landowners and big capitalists, whether the renewal is done at standardized periods as lately in Colombia, or to end a period of military rule as also lately happened in Argentina, these are few examples of many in which our America is so prolific.
“The above can be demonstrated for this country [Peru]. Although with important interruptions to the periodic electoral processes by military rulers -interruptions linked on the one hand to the development of the People’s War and, on the other, to the contradictions between the landowners and the big bourgeoisie, and between the comprador bourgeoisie and the democratic bourgeoisie. Highlighting that the military governments themselves have been instrumental in implementing elections, be it to legalize its own situation, or to end its rule, or to guarantee them- elections in Peru have helped to preserve or develop the character of Peruvian State, the formal republic, the dictatorship of the semi-feudal landowners and the big bourgeoisie. Thus, elections have been, as couldn’t be otherwise within the established social order, a tool first in the hands of the comprador bourgeoisie and then in the hands of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. This has been the main characteristic in the electoral processes of the Peruvian State during this century, which has determined the class character of elections in this country.
“These fundamental matters establish the following:
1. The Peruvian State is landowning-bureaucratic, a dictatorship of a feudal landowners and big bourgeoisie, under ultimate control by Yankee imperialism; against whom the people struggle for the construction of a State of new democracy, which requires the destruction of the existing old order.
2. The Peruvian State, like every State, sustains, defends and develops itself by the use of violence, in the face of which the people need revolutionary violence, following the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside.
3. The elections are means of domination by the landowners and big bourgeoisie. For the people they are neither instruments of transformation nor a means to overthrow the power of the current rulers. Therefore, the correct orientation is using them only as a means of agitation and propaganda.”
That was said in 1978 and it is still valid. Let’s point out that the elections of 1980 and 1985 proved it with facts. Thus, within this function of elections in Peru, similar to that of other countries, and being as they are crucial to reaction, the 1990 general elections showed and developed themselves in defense of the obsolete existing order and evolution of Peruvian society. It was in this context that parties like APRA, IS (Socialist Left), IU (United Left), FREDEMO and CAMBIO 90 sustained and defended very similar objectives and goals which only differ in form and means of utilization. The mobilization of troops for the elections amounted to 300,000 members of the police and armed forces, the largest ever for an election, as the State itself has recognized.
In addition, they added tension and put into motion all State institutions; they unleashed an all-out campaign aimed not just at capitalizing votes but to pressure the people into voting and fighting against the People’s War; all of that besides the most vile and low demagoguery. Let’s highlight clearly how the open intervention by the Catholic Church in Peruvian politics is increasing by the day, as shown in these elections; but at the same time we must see with concern the role of the evangelicals in these elections, and behind which is the invisible hand of Yankee imperialism. Thus, while the armed force is still the big elector and warrantor, the so-called “spiritual power” of the Church rises more and more as political power.
These elections show more clearly than others held previously in the country that “everything is valid in order to win elections,” and how reactionaries, in their own intestine fights, are capable of snatching from the rest of the pack the best parts in the interests of their own groups or factions. So, what would they not do in their struggle against the people and the revolution? The current general elections have set on their way two additional reactionary offspring: racism and religious struggle. The first is a nefarious fly-by-night ideology of purported superiority, which are totally opposed to the forging of a nationality in formation like ours, and the second, the religious struggle, is a sinister utilization of religion not just as an instrument in the class struggle, which it really is, but to pit masses against masses, derail the people’s struggle and fetter the advancing revolution, the People’s War. But not only have those foul elements been put into motion; the reaction and the classes, factions and groups that compose it, maneuver perversely with the threat of a coup d’etat, its useful instrument, while cynically declaiming themselves in favor of bourgeois democracy.
All that, in addition to well- known machinations, tricks, chicanery and fraud at the vote counting, take place along with repression and genocide in the countryside. In that manner the electoral process smells of the dense foul odors of fascism. Based on the review of data from the “Total compilation of the April 14  general elections,” by the National Board of Elections and of the “National Consolidated Presidential Results” published by the same body (JNE) on May 11, 1985, the results are shown below as well as others in which we will refer to later on:
Registered Voters 9,983,400
Not Voting 2,116,600
The table shows that those not voting are 21.2 % of the registered and 27% of those voting.
CAMBIO 90 (Fujimori) 24.6
IU (United Left) 6.9
IS (Socialist Left) 4.0
Null and Blank 15.3
The very low vote obtained by the first two candidates stands out. Neither one of them, Vargas Llosa or Fujimori, reached even 30% of the votes cast; very far, then, from the 50% plus one votes their constitution demands to assume the presidency. It was also very clear, and we will return to it later on, that absenteeism, simply staying away from the polls, has increased noticeably, reaching 21.2% of the registered and 27% of the voters; that is, the highest vote getter only obtained 0.6% more than absenteeism. There you see the self-proclaimed triumph of the so-called “democracy” and their purported defeat of the so-called “terrorism!”
The 19% APRA vote implied the bankruptcy of their “traditional third,” which they bragged about for decades; however, their parliamentary contingent allowed them to continue fulfilling their nefarious role in Peruvian history. On another side, the self-proclaimed “United Left” and “Socialist Left” were crushed by the same electoral process they worship so much; together, the two of them didn’t even match the number of null and blank votes. This, their unrestrained parliamentary cretinism has suffered its most humiliating and catastrophic defeat: the just punishment to revisionists, opportunists and traitors to the class and the people.
In synthesis, last April’s general elections were earmarked by vote dispersal and indefiniteness; the runoff election showed itself up as a still more murky, ambiguous and demagogic contest of gambling political hacks. But, besides that, with the distribution of seats, in parliament will develop a worsening collusion and contention between the various groups and factions of exploiters, causing the decrepit parliamentary system to rot even more. All of this shows how the Peruvian State has further weakened at its base, and will have to be sustained once more by the armed and repressive forces, showing more clearly to the people how the armed forces are the backbone of the State, and how this State is merely based on an organized violence for perpetuating the slavery of the people of Peru.
The electoral process highlights fundamental problems in Peruvian society, despite the pretensions of covering them up: First, the subsistence of semi-feudalism, basis of the agricultural [and livestock] production crisis, bringing back to the forefront the land problem which supposedly had been overcome. Second, the existence of bureaucratic capitalism, which is sustained in economic underdevelopment tied to imperialist domination; imperialism, mainly Yankee, as always sucking us dry of our blood and getting ready to suck us drier yet. In synthesis, it shows the generalized crisis of an obsolete society having only one solution: revolution, the victory of the ongoing People’s War.
On the other hand, the disastrous result obtained by the APRA government headed by the genocidal demagogue Garcia Perez, is evident. In 1985, we said that the new government [APRA] would provoke more hunger and would be still more genocidal; today hunger eats away and devours the class and the people; and while according to data from the so-called “Pacification Commission” of the Senate, the Belaunde government bloodied the country with 5,880 dead, the current one surpassed it with 8,504 dead from 1985 to 88, and with another 3,198 dead in 1989. Both of our 1985 predictions were correct, and in fact the APRA government of Garcia Perez created more hunger and more genocide than any previous one in Peruvian history The people will never forget him!
All of which is sharpened and accented even more by the uncertainty of the first round of the election and the postponement of the resolution until the runoff. The political parties were strongly shaken by the results of last April’s elections and were forced out of necessity to enter all sorts of realignments and regrouping, not just for the sake of the runoff but, mainly, for their later development. While in the electoral campaign they upheld “non partisanship,” to lure the vote of the independents, candidates trafficked with the lack of prestige of their own political parties and the repudiation of the revisionist parties of Eastern Europe, aiming in essence and perspective, against the party of the proletariat, against the Party, preaching the putrid thesis of “no need for political parties.” On this, let’s remember what Lenin said: “Non partisanship is a bourgeois idea. Partisanship is a socialist idea.” (Read communist.)
All that merely shows is the crisis of the parties which sustain the old order; not a new crisis, but now sharpened by the electoral process and its disastrous results; a crisis of the parties which obviously reflects the deterioration of the old Peruvian State. The first go around left two candidates. One, tired and in bad shape, Vargas Llosa, of FREDEMO, the arrogant preacher of the upstart personal success, individual freedom and the market economy, triumphant after having obtained first place with a meager 27% of the vote. The other, catapulted and infatuated, Fujimori of CAMBIO 90, the treacherous and sneaky carrier of the vaunted “Honesty, Work and Technology,” the dark horse of imperialism and reaction who obtained a second place with 24% of the vote.
Both represent the big bourgeoisie and imperialism. In the case of Fredemo the matter is clear. However in the case of Cambio 90 confusion arises because of the class origins of their candidates, from the petty-bourgeoisie and medium bourgeoisie, and by hiding their pragmatic points, especially before the first run. But what have Fujimori himself, and his advisors now preparing his government program, promised: a market economy, not even a “social market economy”; to recognize the foreign debt and find ways to pay it; to strengthen the banking system; to promote exports and even big mining interests; to promote foreign investments and so-called international “assistance.”
Those are all positions of the great bourgeoisie, and especially of one of its factions, the comprador bourgeoisie, which will benefit the most. In addition, most of his advisors were formed by imperialism and are linked to big bourgeois institutions, opportunists who had participated in the APRA government, in IU, or coming from the Velasco regime. Of notice are the links with Hernando de Soto, a character with strong links to Yankee imperialism, directly endorsed by Reagan and Bush and a researcher of the so-called “informal production” with which all now pretend to traffic, even Vargas Llosa and Fujimori themselves. So both Fredemo and Cambio 90 represent politically the big bourgeoisie.
Already the recent Central Committee session pointed out: “Cambio 90, that movement led by the former rector of the Agrarian University (Fujimori) has the same positions but not the weight of Fredemo . . . “ The assessment of its class character is correct, however its definitive weight depends on the runoff election, given the importance [for the reactionaries] of the Presidential elections. The heart of the matter is, while both are focused on the interests of the comprador bourgeoisie, Vargas Llosa presents himself as a defender of the exclusive interests of that faction, while Fujimori presents himself as a defender of the interests of the entire big bourgeoisie, but in addition, demagogically, he also claims to defend the interests of the medium bourgeoisie and the people.
Although they try to deny it, that is the class character of the positions of both candidates, who lead Fredemo and Cambio 90 like “caciques”. Vargas Llosa desperately tries to overcome that limitation by appealing to all the people and promoting projects such us his so-called “social support program,” while Fujimori assembles and reassembles his plans and keeps knocking on doors in search of connections and equipment for his possible future government.
In these circumstances the runoff election is prepared, in which APRA, IU and IS and their groups and factions play up to the highest bidder, leaning more and more toward Fujimori, and APRA looking for important posts in the new government. It already presented its detailed “conditions” to support Cambio 90, with phrasemongering to justify their “principles,” while the poor orphan “Socialist Left” (IS) begs for crumbs off the big boys’ table. With all that, the basis on how the next government will look like, are being set. Whoever wins, they will govern in the midst of contradictions, with collusion and contention in the heart of reaction and its lackeys.
Ediciones Bandera Roja, May 1990
The states of Portugal, Greece and Spain share one common trait that has distinguished them from the imperialist states of Northern Europe. The weakness of their big bourgeoisie can be observed in the incapacity of social-democracy to integrate broad sectors of the working class, which has expressed itself, to this day, in the need for parliamentary revisionist “communist” parties as necessary tools for big capital when it comes to legitimizing the bourgeois dictatorship in its parliamentary form and contain the struggles of the masses within reformism. Now, in the midst of the final crisis of imperialism, the Portuguese, Greek and Spanish big bourgeoisie finds itself in the urgent need to restructure the old state and contain or crush once more the struggles of the masses.
In the seventies of the last century, the political, economic, moral, and social crisis in these three countries, within the international capitalist crisis, obliged their big bourgeoisie to contain, and try to lead astray, the revolutionary struggles of the masses with “democratic transitions”, with the necessary participation of the Eurocommunist parties and social-democracy. “Transitions” supervised and overseen by the Yankee superpower that in this way tried to secure its economic, geopolitical and military interests in the Mediterranean and the Balkan Peninsula.
In Greece after World War II, the Communist Party did not capitulate as happened in France and Italy. The war between the Greek People’s Liberation Army (ELAS), led by the Communist Party, and the reactionary army supported by the Yankees and British imperialism, lasted until 1950. The communist defeat did not end the political instability and the struggle of the masses. On April 21st 1967 a coup d’état made way for what is known as the “Regime of the Colonels”, which did not solve the problems of the Greek state either. On July 24th 1974 the military dictatorship falls and the Greek “transition” starts.
In Portugal, the fascist dictatorship encountered serious problems in the seventies. On one hand, the armed struggle of the masses in the Portuguese colonies, and on the other the domestic resistance. On April 25th 1974 the “Carnation Revolution” takes place, the fascism that had lasted since 1926 falls and the Portuguese “transition” is started.
In dates, the general panorama was as follows: on April 25th 1974 the Carnation Revolution ends the military dictatorship in Portugal. In July of 1974 the Regime of the Colonels falls in Greece. On September 26th 1975 hundreds of People’s Democratic Union (UDP) sympathizers (hoisting the banner of Chairman Mao) takes and burns the Spanish embassy (in Portugal) in solidarity with the ETA and FRAP prisoners sentenced to death by the fascist Franco. On the 20th of November 1975, Franco dies and the “democratic transition” starts.
There is no doubt whatsoever that the Spanish “transition” is planned by the apparatuses of the Spanish state and by the Yankee superpower. According to the journalist Alfredo Grimaldos’ investigation, published in his book “La CIA en España. Espionaje, intrigas y política al servicio de Washington” (“The CIA in Spain. Espionage, Intrigue and Politics in Washington’s Service”), the “transition” starts with the 1971 visit to Spain by the Yankee general Vernon Walters, who shortly afterwards was appointed Deputy Director of the CIA. A visit that the North American general himself considered as “a mission without comparison”. According to Walters, Richard Nixon “was aware of the importance Spain had for the free world”. And this interest in the country induced him to send the general to Spain on the “special mission” of meeting with Franco “to talk about the future years in with the generalissimo would no longer be head of state”.
The goal of the “transition” was therefore to defend the economic, military and strategic interests of the Yankees as well as the dictatorship of Spanish monopolist capital, by changing the superstructure. To go from fascist dictatorship to a multi-party regime so that nothing would change, so that the dictatorship of the Spanish imperialist bourgeoisie would be consolidated. A key role in order for the struggles of the masses, including the armed struggle (FRAP, GRAPO, ETA) not to end up in a revolutionary crisis, was the role of revisionism (PCE, Communist Party of Spain) and reformism (PSOE). The bourgeois state and the Yankee superpower needed to create their own “left-wing opposition”:
“The North American intelligence agencies and the German social-democracy zealously took turns in the leadership of the Spanish Transition, with two objectives: to prevent a revolution after Franco’s death and annihilate the communist left. This subtle work of building a party “of the leftists” in order to prevent precisely that the left take power in Spain, is the work of the CIA, in collaboration with the Socialist International. The first draft of this long operation goes back to the seventies, when the regime started to give in, inevitably, to the pressure from the workers’ struggles and the people’s demands.” (Alfredo Grimaldos – La CIA en España. Espionaje, intrigas y política al servicio de Washington, Debate, 2007)
Only six months after the Carnation Revolution, the XIII Congress of the PSOE is held in Suresnes, France, where Felipe Gonzalez and his group take leadership of the party. Years later Felipe Gonzalez, now as Prime Minister, would get Spain into NATO. About his trip to Suresnes, Alfredo Grimaldos relates:
“Gonzalez and other members of the new party leadership have managed to get to France thanks to help from the Central Service of the Prime Minister itself. The officials of the intelligence organization created by Admiral Carrero Blanco are in charge of providing them with their passports.”
About Carrillo’s PCE Grimaldos writes:
“In 1975, shortly before Franco’s death, the New York Times reveals that the CIA maintains important relationships with all the Spanish political parties in order to find a way out for the regime, including Santiago Carrillo’s PCE (Communist Party of Spain).”
“Two years later, the general secretary of this formation will be invited to visit the U.S., a unique case in the history of communist parties, whose leaders have been prohibited to enter the U.S. since forever.”
We also know that from the 50’s the PCE promotes their “national reconciliation”, “for a democratic and peaceful solution to the civil war” and the contact with Falangist elements: “Considerable forces, which in another time were part of the Franco camp, have been showing their discrepancy with a policy that keeps alive the spirit of the civil war.” (Central Committee of the Communist Party of Spain, June 1956). On April 1st 1969 Franco promulgates a pardon that reached Carrillo:
“First article.- All crimes committed before April 1st 1939 are declared expired. This statute of limitations by the Justice Department does not need to be declared judicially, and therefore takes effect regarding all types of crimes, regardless of who may have committed them, of their seriousness or their consequences, independently of their supposed description or sentence, and without considering the rules established by the penal code in force concerning calculation, interruption and resumption of the expiration time of the crime…”
A few months later, Franco appointed Borbón Juan Carlos as his successor. Everything started to “come together”. The “transition” started. The interests of the Yankee superpower is clear, Spain must join NATO: “The accession of Spain to NATO is vitally important. If Spain’s rapidly modernizing forces and key strategic location were combined with France’s growing cooperation within the alliance, NATO would have the military depth it now lacks. The United States has advocated Spanish membership since the early days of the Eisenhower administration. With the passing of the Franco regime and the evolution of democracy in Spain, the West Europeans should now be prepared to incorporate Spain into NATO” (The Real War. Richard Nixon. 1980)
In Spain the imperialist state, while using the revisionists, fundamentally the PCE and the social-democracy (PSOE) to contain and lead the struggles of the masses astray, towards parliamentary cretinism, it also used white terror. In the biography of general Sáenz de Santa María, it says the following about the year 1976: “The police as well as the Guardia Civil were quite trigger-happy. The protests were usually broken up in a hail of bullets and very frequently ended with blood on the streets…” To this must be added the thousands and thousands of young workers who died from the heroin that the bourgeois state distributed in the proletarian neighborhoods. In spite of this, and in spite of the overflow of revisionism within the Mao Tse tung Thought-organizations after the death of Chairman Mao, the struggle did not cease, and the armed struggle has continued to this day.
When imperialism goes down in its final crisis, the crisis in Greece, Portugal and Spain once more strikes furiously. An economic, social, political and moral crisis that is the basis of all the struggles and mobilizations that have developed for the last few years all over the states and in all sectors. Accordingly, the report of the Elcano Institute, “Hacia una renovación estratégica de la política exterior Española” (Towards the Strategic Renewal of Spain’s Foreign Policy, February 2014), recognizes the depth of the crisis although they embellish it:
“Spain is currently going through difficulties but its contemporary history is also a history of clear political, social and economic success. It is possible that the collective project of the country has to be renewed at the same time…” That is to say, in spite of the “difficulties”, the “collective project” has been a success; or rather the bourgeois democracy is a success, although it currently needs to be somewhat reformed. “Renewal of the collective project”, which for the Spanish monopolist bourgeoisie means changes in the superstructure “that promote the participation of individuals and of civil society in the actions and decisions made” (“Hacia una renovación…”, Instituto Elcano), without changing anything; social peace at home and political stability to drive the imperialist project.
The three fundamental goals in this transformation of the superstructure are: political stability, coexistence (social peace) and territorial integrity. These changes in the superstructure would have to “put the citizens at the center of attention, empowering them in the face of globalization, promoting that they participate more in defining how Spain is connected to the world and, outside our borders, providing them with assistance and protection.” (“Hacia una renovación…”, Instituto Elcano).
We can start do draw some conclusions: it is necessary for the Spanish big bourgeoisie to make changes in the superstructure, in the state, so that the struggles of the masses do not go beyond the bourgeois framework and to redirect them towards parliamentary cretinism: “It is possible that the collective project of the country will have to be renewed at the same time, but the essential elements – in the form of the great values and interests of the citizens – continue to be valid.” (“Hacia una renovación…”, Instituto Elcano).
In the context of this final crisis of imperialism, in March 2011, in Portugal, the mobilizations of the “Precarious Generation” (“Generación precaria”) started; in May 2011 in Madrid thousands of people camped out with permission from Rubalcaba, then Minister of the Interior, starting the movement 15 M; mobilizations that were a continuation of those in Greece in 2008. On September 15th 2012 in Portugal, the biggest protests since the “Carnation Revolution” were organized. On October 15th 2011, the bourgeois press wrote about the “global protest”; all over the world protests were held, called by the so-called “indignados” (“indignants”). Meanwhile in Madrid 250 000 people protested, in Rome the day ended with hundreds of protesters confronting the police of the reactionary state. In Greece, it was the first time in a long time that protests and strikes questioned the reactionary state’s monopoly on violence. And the list goes on.
Portugal, Greece and Spain now start to walk hand in hand again. In Greece, Syriza has won the election with applause from Le Pen, in Spain Podemos turns itself into a political party and in Portugal a new Podemos is being prepared, Juntos Podemos (“Together We Can”).
Since the beginning of this new wave of mass protests, of the bourgeois state’s loss of all legitimacy among the masses, a significant part of the movement 15M has defended the state’s monopoly on violence and parliamentary cretinism, and out of that grew Podemos. In this scenario of radicalization of the masses’ struggles and of imperialist war appears the Report of the Elcano Institute, proposing the need for a new framework for coexistence. A few months later the document written by Podemos’ Preparation team for the Constituent Assembly is published: “The crisis of the regime in 1978, Podemos and the possibility of political change in Spain”, where they affirm the need for this new framework for coexistence: “We have before us the possibility and the responsibility to contribute decisively to the building of a new popular will to political change in favor of the social majorities.” I.e. a new alliance of classes that legitimizes the imperialist state.
If in the “transition” the monopolist bourgeoisie needed the workers’ aristocracy and its organizations (parties and unions), the Basque and Catalonian bourgeoisie, in order to maintain its power and drive its imperialist project, now brings the petty bourgeoisie onto the stage. We will see if Podemos’ alliance with Bildu in the Basque country and the rapprochement with Ada Colau in Catalonia will take the path of temporarily solving the problem of territorial integrity, replacing the debate about independence with the debate about the corrupted; the problem would no longer be Spain, but the “old politics”, the corrupt ones.
This, what some have called the “second transition” and the “democratic regeneration”, has already started: the head of state has been replaced. A new generational changing of the guard is taking place, where young politicians have appeared to replace the old ones, trying to create a new image, distanced from the corruption. Big newspapers with national circulation have changed their leadership. And Podemos is being promoted by bourgeois television and press.
Another thermometer to measure the de-legitimization of the bourgeois state is the degree of abstention in the most recent European elections, and while the bourgeois press emphasized the 7% of cast votes obtained by Podemos and presented it as a success, the only success was that of abstention, which reached 54,16%. Abstention was highest in the working class neighborhoods. It is not strange then that the document from Podemos’ Constituent Assembly preparation team focuses on parliamentary cretinism: “We have in front of us a year and a half which will be decisive in the history of our country. By the very timetable and development of the political crisis, elections are and will be in the center of the political dispute in this accelerated cycle”. Their objective is, again just like in the “transition”, that the struggles of the masses end up serving as support for one of the factions of the Spanish imperialist bourgeoisie and legitimizing the Spanish imperialist state.
But although Podemos’ role is to make a “left wing” in the service of the power of the monopolist bourgeoisie, there are important differences when compared to the revisionism and opportunism of the first “transition”.
Its support, according to the data of the CIS from November 2014 on the social base of Podemos, is not the working class but the petty bourgeoisie, middle class professionals who work in qualified or well-paid professions and with extensive educational background. A petty bourgeoisie that has also been hit by the crisis, and whose only objective is to go back to the “good old days” and that their children shall not have to emigrate to be able to live like the bourgeois.
In the program of Podemos the working class does not exist, there are only citizens. This is class conciliation. The only thing the working class can expect is scraps. There is no real revolutionary measure, neither confiscation of big capital nor agrarian reform. This is the line of the declarations of Jesús Montero, member of the Citizens’ Council, the Central Committee of Podemos, who in a recent conversation with John Carlín affirmed that “There are two business cultures. One is that of caste, the other wants to contribute to social welfare, like the Botín family in the Santander Bank”, and went on insisting that “Yes! I am convinced that there are businessmen with good intentions”.
In the first paragraph of the first point of Podemos‘ program one can see that there is a special interest in the middle and petty bourgeoisie, as well as in the business of the Podemos leadership, proposing the “promotion of the prominent role of the small and medium business in creating jobs, highlighting the role of the companies of social economy. A policy of public hiring that is favorable to the small and medium business that includes social clauses in the adjudication of the contracts”. For the working class: “Reduction of the working day to 35 hours per week and the retirement age to 60 years, as mechanisms to fairly redistribute work and wealth, in favor of family reconciliation.” More “minimum wage” or “non-taxed pensions”.
One can only say that what Podemos considers to be measures to redistribute wealth are only means to redistribute misery. In a sudden attack of sincerity, the “proposal for debate to solve the problems of the Spanish economy” written by the economists Vicenc Navarro and Juan Torres López on Podemos’ behalf states: “The incomplete character of our democracy and its practically complete absence in the financial institutions is the main obstacle that we encounter to be able to apply policies that shall not be as antisocial as those that are currently being applied.” When they shall solve these obstacles, there will be antisocial policies, but “not as antisocial”. It is not an error in the document; they do not see beyond capitalism and imperialism.
It is impossible to collectivize wealth without changing the mechanisms for its distribution, and we have already seen their measures: dividing the working hours and lowering the retirement age. To better understand Podemos’ economic proposal, the professor of economic structure, Andrés Niño-Becerra explained to a media channel his opinions on the proposal: “The 68 pages of their economic program have two good ideas; (…) and the second – although they do not say it – is that there are four million people left out. And since we are not going to gas them, one must give them something to live on. The basic income.”
In the document from Navarro and Torres López they also affirm that the capitalist economy has no laws, only particular wills: “We put forward this document convinced that the situation that we have come to and want to get out of is not the result of any natural law or of unavoidable circumstances, but of a succession of many antidemocratic impositions by the most powerful, but very small, groups in our society, of politics unwanted by the majority of the population, politics that only aim to consolidate the privileges, the benefits and the power of those above. Hence our efforts are directed towards revealing their true nature and promoting alternatives that are explicitly beneficial to the popular classes and for the immense majority of society.”
Inventing contradictions that only exist in the heads of the petty bourgeoisie, “democracy”, “markets”, or with the rhetoric of the “hijacking of democracy”, they try to hide some fundamental laws of the development of imperialism and its mechanisms of distribution of wealth:
1:The overproduction crises are inevitable
2:All the rights conquered by the masses and their struggles are knocked down by the crisis. The conquered rights are only temporary in capitalism.
3:Concerning the distribution of wealth, Lenin masterfully summarized how this takes place in capitalism in its imperialist stage:
” By destroying small-scale production, capital leads to an increase in productivity of labour and to the creation of a monopoly position for the associations of big capitalists. Production itself becomes more and more social—hundreds of thousands and millions of workers become bound together in a regular economic organism—but the product of this collective labour is appropriated by a handful of capitalists.” (Lenin – The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism)
Therefore, while millions of workers earning their wages continue to be poor – the salary is not enough to live on any more – a few who do not work, the owners of the large means of production, accumulate the wealth created in society. One does not have to be a great brainy theoretician to know that no one gets rich by working. But they do need theoreticians to hide the fact that the salary in capitalist society is a robbery.
To this one must add, as Podemos’ own contribution, the constant affirmations that while they are people of the “left”, their politics are “neither left nor right”, which as we have seen means that there are good bankers, and that – as we shall see – the working class must be controlled. Hence their proposal to create a “Commission of Participation in the European Commission that, nominated and elected by the Parliament, shall have the mandate to promote, drive and verify that the citizens’ participation be a central element of the European construction. Setting in motion some obligatory Participative Budgets in all the fields of the administration (local, autonomous, national and European), and, gradually a participative democracy in all the fields, aiming for a European constituent process”.
This “commissary” is very reminiscent of the National System of Social Mobilization (SINAMOS) that the fascist Velasco Alvarado implemented in Peru. A network of “organizers” for the mobilization and participation of the masses with the purpose of organizing them and channeling their mobilizations towards supporting the reactionary state, while at the same time trying to prevent that the communists and revolutionaries organize the masses against the imperialist state. This shows the profound crisis of the Spanish state and the need of the imperialist state to control all the mobilizations of the masses; this will be Podemos’ role, as an “opposition” party or as a party in government.
This role is a fundamental one, because the Spanish state is at war and needs a “left” that demobilizes and keeps watch, while it supports the imperialist aggressions of the Spanish state. On this last point, keep in mind Monedero’s (one of the three top leaders of Podemos) support for the imperialist intervention in Syria, when he signed a manifesto that said: “The Arabs are victims of the commercial cynicism that governs international relations, that evaluates in each case when it is convenient to intervene or not, always according to the interests other than those of the affected populations. Our condemnation does not harbor any request for western military intervention nor the imposition of a medieval siege against the people of Syria. We openly reject – as do the Syrians themselves, who fight for their liberty – any form of military pressure or colonial tutelage. But we resist accepting that nothing can be done about what is happening in Syria, that passiveness and silence support the crimes that are being committed in Syria.”
Today, when Syria and Iraq are being bombarded in a criminal way by an alliance headed by the genocidal Obama in the name of “freedom” and “progress”, when Spanish troops participate in the genocide in the name of “democracy” – from Podemos we know nothing but their silence. This imperialist war is also a war to legitimize the imperialist states that present themselves as the most advanced of mankind in the face of barbarism. To legitimize them before the masses that live in the imperialist countries as well.
The Report of the Elcano Institute says: “At the same time, and this is a slightly neglected dimension of the interior-exterior connection, a greater influence in the world from an identity more coherent with its condition of advanced and pluralist democracy, that the citizens aspire to, may feed back internally the improvement of coexistence and the quality of democracy, in a time of deterioration of the legitimacy of the political system. For example, a greater commitment from the Spanish state to the international respect for fundamental rights and liberties, a greater activism in the creation of global government property and, in general, the affirmation of cosmopolitan values together with other advanced democracies, may contribute to many citizens reconciling (or reinforcing their identification) with the project of the country.” Thus their silence about this war betrays them. The silence concerning the Spanish colonies Ceuta and Melilla betrays them again; they are their master’s voice.
Naxal banners in Agumbe
Naxal activities have resurfaced again in Agumbe after a gap of five to six years. The presence of banners and slogans on compound wall of government higher primary school at Hosagadde village near Agumbe has shocked people. According to the villagers, naxalites might have stepped into the school premises around 2:00am on April 16 and left the place after tying banners using the locally available wild creeper and writing slogans. The banner reads “Death is natural. Dying for self is as light as feather of a bird. But dying for people is as giant as Himalaya mountain.”
The naxals have put forth four demands in the banner hung up on school compound – withdrawal of Land Acquisition Bill, Kasturirangan panel report on Western Ghats, suspension of issuing eviction notice to bagair hukum cultivators by forest department and boycott of gram panchayat polls were written in red colour on compound wall of the school. Noticing this, villagers have informed Agubme police. Following this, police rushed to the spot and erased slogans written on wall and removed the banners.
Photo helped cops nab top Red leader
RANCHI: Jharkhand police produced senior Maoist leader Shiv Prasad Singh alias Rohitji alias Ritlal alias Pawanji before the media on Thursday evening, almost 26 hours after he was arrested from Patratu under Pithoria police station. Rohitji, known to be a member of CPI (Maoist)’s Bihar-Jharkhand Special Area Committee since its formation in 2004, carries a bounty of Rs 25 lakh in Jharkhand and is also learnt to be in the most wanted list of Bihar police with a separate cash reward of Rs 10 lakh. Earlier in the day, BJSAC spokesperson Gopalji had threatened to call a 24-hour bandh on Monday if their leader was not produced before the media or the court within 24 hours.
“We condemn the way Rohitji has been kidnapped by the police and if they do not produce him we are going to call for a bandh in Bihar and Jharkhand,” he had said. Sources said use of technology by the police and Maoists flouting their usual norms helped police nab the top Red leader. While photography of senior Maoist leaders is prohibited, Rohitji had recently got a photograph clicked with two bodyguards standing by his side. Police obtained a copy of the photograph circulated it on social media, which helped them gather intelligence and identify after he was taken into custody. Police sources said the weapon in the hands of those guarding the man on chair in the picture indicated that he must be an important leader within the outfit.
Ranchi Senior SP Prabhat Kumar said they received key intelligence inputs on Wednesday afternoon and formed a team under ASP (operations) Harshpal Singh to conduct a raid in the Nakari forests of Patratu, where Rohitji was going to meet his family members. “The team came across an elderly man with features resembling the person we were looking for. In the course of interrogation, he admitted that his name was Shiv Prasad Singh,” Kumar said. The person was immediately detained and taken to his Patratu residence where family members also identified him. Asked if police flouted norms while arresting Rohitji, Kumar said they delayed the confirmation of the arrest to be sure about the identity of the person.
“We also took him to the forests in Nakari, Beti and Harihartoli to conduct raids based on his information,” Kumar said. A native of Sevnan village under Karona police station of Jehanabad district in Bihar, Rohitji joined CPI party Unity in 1984 and became a state member of Kisan Sangram Committee in 1994. He has been a Special Area Committee member of the CPI (Maoist) since its formation in 2004, post-merger of Peoples War and Maoist Communist Centre.
He is wanted in a number of cases in Gumla, Chainpur Lohardaga, Latehar in Jharkhand and Aurangabad district of Bihar. “We are collecting information from Bihar police about his involvement in cases in Gaya and other bordering districts,” Kumar said. While Rohitji’s family members claimed that he suffered a fracture almost three years ago and had not been active in the Maoist movement, police claimed he was injured in the Chanpipat encounter on February 21 this year. Police admitted that after initial reluctance, Rohitji has been cooperative in interrogation and they are likely to come across some vital information in course of interrogation.
Maoists Free 11 Abducted Tribals
BHUBANESWAR/MALKANGIRI:Two days after they were abducted from a bordering village of Malkangiri, all the 11 tribals were released by Maoists on Thursday afternoon. The freed villagers, police said, have reached Kartanpalli under Mathili block but no direct contact could be established with any of them. In the morning, five villagers were freed by the Left Wing Extremists (LWEs) after they were reportedly tried in a Praja Court. Later, another six were released.
“We have information that all the 11 were released and they have reached Kartanpalli,” IG (South-Western) Range Y K Jethwa said. Sources said all the 11 faced trial in the kangaroo court at an unknown place near the Odisha-Chhattisgarh border and the decision to free them was almost immediate. However, since the Maoists had taken away the mobile phones of the abducted villagers, establishing contact with them was a problem. It was not immediately known why the Red rebels had abducted the 11 tribals in the first place but all of them have been warned against making any contact with the police or the local administration after their release. “They have been specifically asked not to cooperate with the police,” sources added.
Alleged female naxalite goes on hunger strike in Byculla jail, accuses authorities of installing CCTV in female barrack
Angela Harish Sontakke is a 45 year old political undertrial prisoner facing charges of being a Maoist party member who has been incarcerated since April 2011. Most of this period has been spent in Byculla Jail at Mumbai. Eight out of her 11 co-accused have been released on bail. Angela herself has been acquitted in 15 of the 16 additional cases foisted on her and has been granted bail in the 16thcase. She has been denied bail in Sessions Case No. 655 of 2011 under various sections of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (a law akin to the draconian TADA & POTA). A highly educated lady, she has a double M.A. and has taught in various schools and colleges in Maharashtra.
Angela requested an urgent mulaqat, so, Maharukh Adenwalla and Susan Abraham, both lawyers, visited Byculla Jail on April 08, 2015 at 12 noon. According to a press release by Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR), during mulaqat Angela informed that on April 1, 2015, male jail staff arrived at Barrack No. 3, women’s barrack (where Angela was lodged) with cables. When the inmates made enquiries, they were informed that CCTV cameras were going to be installed inside their barracks. Angela and the other inmates protested that this would be a clear invasion of their privacy since women inmates change their clothes, apply medicines (as skin infections are rampant in the overcrowded condition of the jail) and in the height of summer without any fans, women use minimum clothes while sleeping in the barracks.
Angela also asked that they should be shown the notice allowing CCTVs inside the barracks. On 2nd April 2015, after bandhi, at around 6.30 p.m. about 10-12 jail staff came to Barrack No. 3 and took Angela away saying that she was being kept in a “separate” cell – obviously as punishment for opposing the CCTV installation. Angela protested by starting a hunger strike that evening itself.