Biplab’s rupture from status quo, a dissection



PBM, the CPN-Maoist

A group of comrades led by Biplab declared their dissociation from the party by submitting an undated divorce-letter to the party headquarters on November 24, 2014. The centre led by Biplab has been named as the Communist Party of Nepal Maoist. This short article has been penned to acquaint readers with the key events of anti-party factional activities in the chronological order and dissect in brief the ideological and political positions Biplab has put forward in his document entitled: “Rupture from status quo, an inevitable necessity of history”.

The two-line struggle is a motive force, which drives the communist party forward. It incessantly goes on in a communist party, sometimes high and sometimes low. In fact it is a struggle between correct and wrong ideological and political lines. But, the two-line struggle we experienced after the formation of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist has been a little odd. From the very beginning it did not remain within the confine of two-lines based on the ideological and political questions. Though it had ideological and political roots behind it, it erupted from the organisational issues. Right in the first convention that had formed the CPN-Maoist the question of leadership was placed at the fore. It was being whispered by some of the delegates that the convention should elect comrade Badal as Chairman and comrade Biplab as General Secretary of the party Central Committee, while comrade Kiran was trusted to provide with the charge of party custodianship. It was indeed a reflection of individual careerism deep-rooted in comrade Biplab. When Biplab showed extreme careerism through the speech he delivered comrade Badal had right then countered that it epitomised counter-revolution on the question of leadership. His assessment has now been proved correct.

For about two long years since then, there was an unusual situation in the party. There was no registered line difference as such on the ideological and political questions in the Party Headquarters, Politburo and even in the Central Committee nevertheless there were diverse opinions floating up in the lower ranks. This leadership is not dynamic and charismatic, it cannot lead revolution, this leadership is working hard to handover this party to Prachanda, it is not people’s insurrection but the people’s war that is applicable in Nepal etc. were the dissenting views that floated up in the lower level committees, hither and thither. By placing sentimental questions at the fore, the whole thrust was laid at acquiring majority and capturing leadership in the committees resulting in organisational anarchism all through the party.

When the need to enrich party’s military line adopted by the Seventh National Congress was felt in the party, the Central Committee meeting decided to call a National Conference to discuss it. In parallel to the document presented by comrade Kiran, comrade Biplab produced yet another document which in fact contradicted with the military line adopted by the Congress. When the Congress line was put in question by comrade Biplab producing a contradictory line, the CC meeting unanimously decided to organise, not a conference, but a Special Congress to discuss the documents within a year. Both the documents were handed out below for the lower level committees to study and the plan of street struggles were set with no dissenting position at the CC meeting.

But in contradiction of this decision at the centre, factionalism in the party did not stop. Comrade Biplab, on the one hand, did not participate in the HQ, PB and even CC meetings and on the other extensively intensified factional and cliquey meetings under his leadership. They used to say, “One, this leadership is inept and so cannot lead revolution, two, we are committed to going ahead to armed struggle, three, we cannot wait anymore, four, board in quickly otherwise the plane will take off soon etc. etc. In this backdrop, when he was asked to put his opinion in the party meetings by stopping such factional activities he said that he would not take part in any meetings except the plenum.

Factional activities were nonstop. A ‘national convention’ of Biplab-led faction was being clandestinely organised inside the jungle in Kapilvastu district. The CC meeting held right at that time called on them to stop that ‘convention’ and then participate in the plenum scheduled to organise on November 22, 2014. In spite of this, they not only denied it but also organised a press conference in Butwal to ‘publicise’ the decisions taken by the ‘convention’.

It was the very date in which the fifth plenum was scheduled to organise. When they did not show up in the plenum venue, comrade Kiran asked them again whether or not they would turn up. They replied that they were holding a meeting to discuss the issue and said they might participate in the day next. Given this situation, the plenum was deferred till the early next day, the 23rd November 2014. The next day, Biplab along with his admirers showed up in the plenum venue. Though late by one hour, the plenum commenced. After the usual proceedings were over, comrade Kiran and comrade Biplab both elaborated their documents and placed their say about the party situation. With this, the meeting was put off till the day next.

On the next day, however, he did not show up with his admirers but with a divorce-letter addressed to chairman comrade Kiran. Even after Biplab handed over the letter, comrade Kiran with a sense of high responsibility towards party unity showed maximum flexibility and requested comrade Biplab and his teammates to participate in the plenum and speak of whatever they think necessary to speak before the plenum delegates. Turning down this request by comrade Kiran they fled away the scene to organise a press meet, where they publicly announced their dissociation from the party. Two questions, one, what made him reluctant to wage two-line struggle in the party and, two, what made him so enthusiastic to split party when it was in middle of the plenum to discuss the questions of line and a Special Congress was in the pipeline scheduled to be organised within five months. History will definitely provide answer to these questions.

The two-line struggle that had started smouldering right after the formation of our party, the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, has in the due course resulted in the formation of a new Maoist centre in Nepal. Comrade Biplab, one of the erstwhile two secretaries of our party, has become the ‘pioneering’ leader to bring up this result to surface. Surprisingly, he declared separation from the party right on the early next day he had placed his dissenting opinion in the fifth Plenum, which was organised to carry out debate on the very documents presented by comrade Kiran and himself. This plenum was being held in his repeated insistence but he did not dare it to happen when the delegates were fully preparing to take part in the hot debate.

“Rupture from status quo”, has been a catchphrase in this document. There is a kind of attraction towards this tag among the revolutionary Nepalese youths. For they want the new democratic revolution in Nepal to regain momentum by rupturing from the widespread reactionary political disorder existing now. It is natural and just as well. On the contrary, Biplab has tried to use this catchphrase to amass people’s revolutionary sentiment in his favour and then misguide the revolutionary cadres and the masses towards erroneous ideology and politics. This document will in no case be instrumental to cause a rupture towards the revolutionary change from the prevailing political chaos in Nepal but will indeed make an ideological and political rupture from the revolutionary position the international and the Nepalese communist movement have been taking till the date.

Here are a few questions in which Biplab has ruptured from the basic ideological and political positions adopted since long by Nepalese and the international communist movement as well.

One, Biplab has started writing his document by placing a slogan to begin with. It reads: “Let’s struggle against the comprador bourgeois state! Let’s go along the direction of building a democratic state!” Noteworthy here is that from the very date of its formation the Communist Party of Nepal had regarded the socio-economic condition of Nepal to be in semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition. The Seventh National Congress of our party organised two years before reached to a conclusion that Nepal is a semi-feudal and neo-colonial country and thus decided to change the previous formulation. In his slogan, Biplab has introduced two new political terms by removing those the Communist Party of Nepal had been using ever since its formation in 2006. But, as regards the socio-economic condition of Nepal, Biplab has introduced a new terminology, Comprador Bourgeois State, with no satisfactory and equitable account to justify it. Nowhere in his 24-page long document, is the socio-economic condition of Nepal written to be semi-feudal and semi/neo-colonial one. In addition to this, he has replaced the terminology of New Democratic Revolution simply by democratic revolution. By so doing, he has ruptured firstly from the position of socio-economic condition the communist movement in Nepal has been maintaining till now and secondly from the Maoist principle of the New Democratic Revolution to be accomplished in the underdeveloped countries oppressed by imperialism.

Two, in accordance with the political report adopted in the Seventh National Congress of our party, “The contradiction between comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the feudal class directed and conducted by Indian expansionism and the broad Nepalese masses is the principal contradiction” of the Nepalese society. But as opposed to this, the document presented by Biplab writes, “The contradiction between feudalism and Nepalese people that remained in the principal position since long has undergone a change, the first time in history. The contradiction between comprador bourgeois state and the Nepalese people has taken its place.” By way of this formulation he has ruptured from party position on principal contradiction adopted by the Seventh National Congress of our party.

Three, ever since the so-called liberation of India in 1947 the Indian ruling classes have been pursuing the British colonialists’ path of expansion and control all across the South Asian sub-continent. Not only the communist parties but also the entire national liberation movements in this region have characterized this hegemonic act of the Indian ruling classes as Indian expansionism. But Biplab prefers to use different terminology in its place. He writes, “All the political, economic, military, administrative and cultural sectors are under the control of India. None of the sectors is away from Indian will. Although some of the analysts and politicians compare it with Sikkimese, Bhutanese and Fijian version of subjugation, but it is necessary to have a separate analysis other than this. In our sense, it can be termed as Nepalese dimension of Indian intervention.” By saying so, Biplab has made a rupture from the terminology that the communist and the national liberation movements mainly in the Indian sub-continent have been using till date. Why a new terminology in place of well-established one without any sufficient analysis to justify the change in it? Bluntly speaking, it can be a makeshift terminology that stands between Indian expansionism and a friendly neighbour India as the then Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) had during the mid-eighties used the interim terminology, the Indian chauvinism, in place of Indian expansionism.

Four, in the recent years, all of the basic contradictions at the world level have been sharpening. In spite of this, the principal contradiction in the world level has not changed so far. The contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed nations and people is the principal contradiction and revolution is the main trend today. Biplab in his document has not mentioned anything about these questions but has raised these issues in a different way. In his document he writes, “The US-led unipolar world, which was dominant from 1990s to the end of the 20th century, has been destroyed. New imperialist powers have come up. The inter-imperialist contradiction has reached to the level of war.” The last sentence in this quote implies that the inter-imperialist contradiction is principal at present and the world war is the main trend today. This is another rupture that Biplab has made from the hitherto adopted position on the international principal contradiction and the main trend of the world asserted by Mao.

Five, present era is the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution as defined by Lenin. The driving force of this era is the contradiction between the world imperialism at one pole and the international proletariat at the other. In this backdrop, Biplab has proposed his clique’s international line in three categories. He writes, “From the standpoint of international relations our policy should be of 1) building fraternal relation with the communist parties 2) maintaining balanced relation with the communist governments and 3) taking up a policy of struggle and balance with the capitalist countries.” As regards Biplab’s international line, the first one can be assumed to be acceptable although the expression, the communist parties, is vague. The second one is unacceptable; because there is no any genuine communist party as such that holds revolutionary power in any country at present. The third one is completely wrong, because it urges to maintain balance between imperialist powers and the proletariat. What kind of new democratic revolution will Biplab make by having compromise between the proletariat and imperialism, the main enemy of the proletarian revolution? Noteworthy here is that he has deliberately used capitalist countries to mean the imperialist ones. In this way Biplab has made another rupture, a rupture from the Leninist doctrine of imperialism and proletarian revolution.

Six, the imperialism and domestic reaction are two obstacles the communist revolutionaries must remove to accomplish New Democratic Revolution in the semi-feudal and semi/neo-colonial countries. These two reactions are intertwined and so they are inseparable. But, Biplab does not go along with this. On this, his document writes, “It can be understood that the world is reaching towards equilibrium as a result of actions, reactions and the imperialist disputes seen in the events of South Asia and Middle East.” The document again writes, “A possibility is being witnessed that the internal contradiction and strength of the concerned country, not of the external one, can now have decisive role for any revolutionary movement to triumph.” These two quotations clearly reveal how he is deliberately seeking excuses to escape from the struggle against imperialism, the main enemy of this era. In fact, by so doing Biplab has made yet another rupture from the Maoist doctrine of the New Democratic Revolution in which two obstacles, the domestic reaction and imperialism, are to be removed simultaneously.

Seven, armed people’s insurrection and the protracted people’s war have been developed as two paths of proletarian revolution in the international communist movement. The first model was developed in Russia, a capitalist country and the second model was developed in a semi-feudal and semi/neo-colonial country, China. These two models were developed in countries that had qualitatively different socio-economic conditions and the balance of revolutionary strength was different. But Biplab looks at this issue in a different way and does not find difference in their content. On this, his document writes, “The people’s insurrection too can be termed as people’s war. In the final analysis, every revolution is made by the people. It is not wrong to say that a war made by the people is people’s war”. Why does he bring in this generalization which blurs the essential difference between these terminologies and makes people’s grasp loose towards the path of revolution? This is another rupture he has made from the hitherto agreed position on the contents of two models of proletarian revolution.

Eight, it is true no revolution can be a replica of other. But it does not mean that it must necessarily be free from any traces of either model. Rather, the fact is that the path of revolution in a country resembles more with one of these models and so it should be regarded as the base. Then again Biplab differs on this. He writes, “The rule that it must necessarily be linked either with insurrection or people’s war does not apply, when we talk of Nepalese originality”. He further adds, “For this, it should take up a policy of building people’s power from the urban and rural areas with a goal of central power”. How can he build people’s power both in the rural and urban areas simultaneously? One should be principal at a time. In fact, it is eclecticism and ultimately will lead him to build up people’s power nowhere. So it is another rupture from the Leninist and Maoist path of seizing power.

Nine, the state power is a means of dictatorship of one class upon another. There can be no any state power that works for both of the classes, the oppressor and the oppressed. This is the basic concept of Marxism. As opposed to this, Biplab has coined a new word ‘power-sharing’. He argues that Prachanda’s failure lies in his inability to struggle for ‘power-sharing’ with the reactionary parties at the time of peace process. With this concept in mind, they have been propagating that they will raise arms if the reactionary power does not agree for “power-sharing” with them. Why is it to raise arms? It is not to seize the state power but to force the enemy for power-sharing? It is in fact nothing other than a total rupture from the Marxist concept of state power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Ten, till now there have been three kinds of social revolutions in the history of mankind. The first one is the bourgeois democratic revolution led by the bourgeoisie against feudalism, in the pre-capitalist era. The second one is the Socialist Revolution led by the proletariat against bourgeoisie, in the imperialist era. These two kinds of revolutions were accomplished by organising armed people’s insurrection in the cities followed by civil war in the countryside. And third one was the New Democratic Revolution led by the proletariat against feudalism and imperialism. It followed the path of encircling the cities from the countryside. But Biplab argues that none of the two models practiced in the past nor the present military line of our party, people’s insurrection upon the foundation of people’s war, is applicable in Nepal. He has coined a new model which is termed as “The theory of unified revolution”. In the document he writes, “The line of unified revolution is the unique line of Nepalese revolution. It relates to Nepalese uniqueness and particularity. The uniqueness does not necessarily mean to represent a particular theory but it means a new theory and line developed from both of them. The rule that it necessarily should link up with either insurrection or people’s war does not apply here. Rather it is different from these two models and contains the Nepalese originality and the universal characteristics of both. Its essence is newer than theirs”. But the document is silent on how this new line will be applied in revolutionary practice in Nepal. Biplab has directed a target in the vacuum. Thus, it is a rupture from the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist base and hence it is merely an imagination of building a castle in the air.

The points placed before in brief give a preliminary idea where the two-line struggle in our party was focused on the ideological and political arena. These are the basic ideological and political questions not in respect of the New Democratic Revolution in Nepal only but the world proletarian revolution as well. He claims all this is a development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. But, how can he develop MLM when he does not base on and makes no defence of MLM itself?

In fact, in the pretext of its development, he has been drowned in the quagmire of empiricism by rupturing from the fundamental tenets of MLM. Finally, the fifth plenum from which Biplab and his admirers fled away has adopted a document entitled: Special Political Report. After the thorough analysis of the anarchism and two-line struggle erupted in the party the plenum has synthesised the trend deep-rooted in Biplab. On this, the plenum document writes, “Thus, these activities are based: organisationally on anarchist individualism, philosophically on negative dialectics and empiricism and politically on the regressive strategy of power-sharing. In the dissenting document of Biplab, the military line which has been presented as a theory of unified revolution by negating people’s war, people’s insurrection and people’s insurrection upon the base of people’s war is very much unclear, confusing, contentless and mysterious. Also, in his document there is a soft attitude towards the Indian expansionism and so has lagged behind on the question of national independence. In conclusion, the main trend manifested in his activities and dissenting opinion is right opportunism in essence and left in form.”

December 19, 2014

Peoples War in India Clippings 20/12/2014


Naxal Hunt in Theni Dist Forests

MADURAI: Acting on an alert from their Kerala counterparts over the alleged infiltration of 15 unidentified persons into the state, the Tamil Nadu police involving teams from the Q Branch, Special Task Force and Armed Reserve teams were completely combing the forest areas in Theni bordering Kerala. Ten days back there was a exchange of fire between the police and suspected Maoists in the Waynad forests in Kerala and the Naxal group members, including three women, were suspected to have escaped.

Under these circumstances, the Kerala forest department suspected that a group of 15 people could have sneaked into Tamil Nadu and alerted the state police here. TN police said that around five teams with members drafted from the special units were conducting an intensive check in the forest regions, mainly in in Kambam Mettu forest, Egaloothu Road, Kalludaichan Paarai and Suranganaru Falls, in Theni district bordering Kerala. Sources said that the teams were also conducting enquiries in the hamlets along the Kerala border to find out if the residents spotted any strangers in their area.

The TN forest officials have also initiated a separate search operation. Police said that so far they have not found any suspicious persons in the forest limits.

Checks in D’puri

Meanwhile, a special team with personnel drawn from the police, Naxal Special Duty (NSD) and forest officials have started combing the Morappur forest range on Friday after reports over movement of strangers surfaced a few days ago. It is said that a few days back, a farmer spotted a group of eight persons, including two women, cooking food at H Agraharam village in the Morappur forest range in the H Agraharam village. On seeing the farmer, the group allegedly vanished from the spot.

Based on the information from the farmer, a police team rushed the spot and recovered vegetables and sarees, which were reportedly used by the group. Subsequently, the police launched a combing operation in the region. As the NSD is also involved in the combing operation, it is suspected that the group members could be part of a Naxal movement. Moreover, a villager said, “a few days ago there was a deafening sound from the Pennagarm forest range. Initially it was suspected that the sound could have been a chopper crash, but after a two days search, the police declared that no chopper had crashed in the forest.

However, they could not find out the exact reason for the sound. Meanwhile, some villagers saw a group cooking food in the forests range. So, locals suspect the movement of an armed group undergoing training in the forests in Dharmapuri.” When enquired Intelligence sources said, “We doubt that the noise from the Pennagaram forest range might could have been due to testing of weapons.”

Maoists kill villager in Odisha’s Malkangiri district

In yet another incident of Maoist violence, the red rebels killed a villager in Chitrali village under Kalimela police station limits in Odisha’s Malkangiri district late on Friday night. Family members of the deceased said about 4-5 armed Maoists arrived at the village late in the night, dragged Biswas out of the house and later killed him by slitting his throat open on the outskirts of the village.

The villagers found the body of Biswas this morning with a Maoist poster in which the ultras have stated that they killed him for being a police informer. Police have rushed to the spot for an on-the-spot investigation.


Security forces apprehend two key Maoist militia members in Odisha

Report by Kishore Dash, Malkangiri: Two active militia member of CPI (Maoist) have been arrested in a joint operation by the Border Security Forces and local police from Pithakonda forest area under Kalimela police limits, claimed Superintendent of Police Mitrabhanu Mahapatra in a press meet held at the District Police Office here today. The duos who have been identified as Budra Podiami alias Budra and Irma Kawasi alias Irma were nabbed in the wee hours today, the S.P told while producing them before the media.

They were joined the outlawed Maoist organization in 2003, Mahapatra told. Both the militia members were earlier apprehended by Kalimela police in 2009 on the charges of attempt to murder SPO Basudev Khillo.Even after their release from the jail, they were also involved in the killing of Bhima Kawasi of Pithakonda village in 2011. The arrest of the two wanted militia members will have a big impact on the prevailing LWE scenario in the region, claimed S.P Mitrabhanu Mahapatra adding their involvement in other offences are being investigated. IPS SDPO M.Sandeep Sampad was also present in the press meet.

Hunger Strikes in jails of the Moroccan reactionary State


The communist movement in Morocco, undergoes, for several decades, the blows of reaction The Moroccan State carries out either abductions, night of murders or imprisonment repetitively, almost daily militants of revolutionary left who are fighting for the popular democratic revolution. It is in this context for the arrest of a group of fellow Marxists -Leninist -Maoists – comrades who now constitute a real danger against the reactionary class in power.

By the struggles that they are involved with the masses, with the masses students and with all Proletarians. This danger to the power also comes from the fact that these comrades defend and apply the ideology of the proletariat developed at its highest level: Namely, Marxism -Leninism -Maoism. Some of these fellow inmates ( 4 of the 6 still in detention ) commence regular hunger strikes as a weapon inside the prisons, to turn these into a bastion of fighting against the reaction. These strikes are mainly conducted to denounce the conditions of detention of comrades and to secure their rights violated. Who are these comrades?

Aziz Elkhalfaoui was arrested on 04.09.2014. his case is still in progress: No sentence was pronounced against to this day. This is a pure political trial. This comrade was the head of the mass movement of the 20 february and the masses of student Marrakech. This is a an authentic communist and has been one of the leaders of the student movement Moroccan Marxist – Leninist – Maoism He leads a hunger strike since 03.12.2014 in the prison in Marrakech.

Rédouane el Aadimi was arrested too on 04.09.2014. his case is still in progress: No sentence was pronounced and is one of the activists of the trend students of the democratic path basiste maoist of Marrakech. He has actively participated in the reconstruction of this trend ideological, political, and organizational. That this person have received a blow in the year 2008. these two comrades are waging a Hunger strike for several reasons:

* to lift the isolation in which they find themselves.

* to restore the right to visit their families.

* for the acceleration of their trial.

* to wrest the authorization to pursue their studies.

* so that they can benefit from the library of the prison.

* to denounce daily harassment of prison guards.

* to denounce the ban their is made for the use of phones in the prison In order to be able to communicate with their families.

The health of these comrades is worsening day by day. Comrade Elkhalfaoui was taken last monday in a hospital, outside of the prison, While he was in a coma. It is suffering, in addition, acute pain in the stomach – accompanied by diarrhoea and blood loss. In addition, it is no longer able to speak or to move. Finally, it should be noted that the comrade has asthma. Rédouane el Aadimi, too, began a hunger strike since 03.12.2014., he Suffers from acute pain in the head and can no longer either move or speak . finally, it should be noted that these two mates are threatened to be thrown into isolation.

They are toiling in their hunger strike. After several days of hunger strike, two other comrades imprisoned in the prison of Tiznit, South of Morocco, have joined them in this hunger strike:

Aziz Elbour is one of them. This comrade has – as for him – was arrested on 15.02.2014 and sentenced to 3 Years imprisonment. He was also activist in the trend student democratic path basiste maoist of Marrakech. He began a hunger strike open since the 10.12.2014 in solidarity with his comrades of Marrakech and also to claim his right to continue his studies. This comrade had already begun with his comrades Emouden, Elmskini, Talhaoui, several hunger strikes: One in solidarity with Georges Ibrahim Abdallah ; another in solidarity with the uprising of the people in Turkey last year ; another still in solidarity with the people’s movement and the political prisoners in Morocco. Because of these hunger strikes repeated, his state of health is becoming catastrophic, and it has already been transferred to the hospital several times.

Mohamed Elmouden was arrested on 15.02.2013 ; he was sentenced to 3 years prison It is one of the leaders of the trend students of democratic path basiste maoist of Marrakech. This is the second time he gets arrested because of his activism. It will start a new hunger strike on friday 19.12.2014 in solidarity with the comrades of Marrakech. He also has already commenced a number of hunger strikes with his group of 10. These comrades will constitute the solid core as a rock of the reactionary regime could not break. These are militants Marxist-Leninist-Maoists.

Their only purpose is to advance the revolutionary process at the highest point in order to solve the contradictions. The difficulty that exists between the alliance révolutionary against the alliance of dominant classes. The activists are among the best communist activists in Morocco. This is why it is the duty of each and all of the support by all means. Solidarity is our weapon. It should be used

Long live proletarian solidarity!

Long live the international and Moroccan revolution !

Long Live Marxism Leninism Maoism !

December 19th 2000: Never forget! Never forgive!

Fourteen years ago today Turkish military and police carried out “Operation Return to Life” to impose the F-type isolation regime against revolutionary prisoners on hunger strike. Thirty were killed


Carry the Death-fast Resistance to Victory!-December 2000

Call by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Turkey (Marxist-Leninist)

The process we are now in clearly shows that the crisis of the comprador bourgeoisie and big landlords is growing deep, both politically and economically. The ruling classes are putting the financial cost for their crisis.onto the backs of the workers, peasants and other oppressed people. The state wants to smash the resistance of the democratic demands of the Kurdish nation and other minorities and to attack the democratic demands of the workers, peasants and students.

The fascist Turkish state also attacked the communists and revolutionaries who are between the four walls of the prisons, wantingto capture them not only physically but also ideologically and politically. There are more bloody attacks on the political prisoners now than ever in the past. For this reason they have put forward the “F- type” prisons.

As a result of this policy of the fascist Turkish state, in the-prisons the TKP(ML), DHKPC and TKIP political prisoners have put their bodies into the death-fast and have started a glorious resistance. Their belief in revolution is leading their spirit of resistance, and our Party, the TKP(ML), is certain that the communist and revolutionary prisoners will win. The political prisoners, who are freedom’s sun in the prisons, quickly mobilised their families. Revolutionary resistance against the state has had a big impact on the oppressed masses in a very short time, and has brought people into the streets to protest and fight against the state in cities across Turkey.

The Turkish state has tried different manoeuvres in an unsuccessful attempt to pacify.the masses, but the oppressed masses, communists and. revolutionaries have been writing history with their blood. Our Party, the TKP(ML), has saluted the communists and revolutionaries’ resistance with practical actions. In Karadeniz (Black Sea area), in Dersim (Kurdistan), in Marmara (Istanbul area), and abroad the Party has mobilized all its supporters and other masses in order to unite with the straggle of. the communist and revolutionary prisoners, and the Party has played a crucial. role in this struggle everywhere.

In every corner of the world, waves of revolution are developing and rising. This new wave is scaring the imperialists and the reactionary ruling class. This struggle in Turkey is part of this new wave. With the support of imperialism, in September 1992, Chairman Gonzalo (leader of the Communist Party of Peru) was captured by Peru’s Fujimori regime. But imperialism and reaction couldn’t stop the People’s War in Peru. As Gonzalo himself said on 24 September 1992 in his speech from the cage, this is just a “bend in the road” of the People’s War.

Just as the Fujimori regime in Peru has isolated Chairman Gonzalo, the fascist Turkish state wants to isolate the communist and revolutionary political prisoners in Turkey. As Maoists the task today is to fight against collaboration and capitulation wherever we are, in the process ofbuilding people’s democracy, socialism and communism, and smashing imperialism and the reactionary ruling class.

Long Live the Death-fast Resistance!

Long Live People’s War!

Glory to Our Party TKP(ML), Our Army TIKKO and Our Youth Organisation TMLGB

11th martyrdom day of comrade Mofakhkhar Chowdhury in East Bengal


Resist Crossfire

A great Maoist leader, General Secretary of Communist Party of East Bengal (M.L),comrade Mofakhkhar Chowdhury was killed brutally in the name of a drama entitled “ crossfire” on Dec, the 16th, 2004 by the reactionary state. To mark his 11th martyr day Gonomuktir Ganer Dol has organized a protest discussion and afterwards a mass cultural program in front of the National Museum Gate, Dhaka, Bangladesh on 16th of December,2014 at local time 3.30p.m. Join in the strive with the aim to establish a new democratic state by crashing down this feudalist and comprador-bureaucrat, capitalist state system.

Red Salute

Ashish Corraya

General Secretary

Gonomuktir Ganer Dol

Peoples War in India Clippings 19/12/2014


‘Tiffin bomb’ recovered in Naxal-affected Kondagaon of Chattisgarh

A 15-kg ‘tiffin bomb’ planted by Naxals was found in Chhattisgarh’s Kondagaon district on Friday, police said. The tiffin-like container packed with explosives had been planted under a forest road connecting Isalnar and Hangwa villages, Kondagaon additional superintendent of police (ASP) Surjit Atri told PTI.


Maoists Gaining Strength in Northern Kerala

KOCHI: The State Government has submitted before the Kerala High Court that for the last one-and-half year, the presence and activities of Maoists have been reported all over Kerala, especially in the Wayanad, Kozhikode, Malappuram and Kannur districts. “It is a serious threat to the whole country, especially to the northern districts of Kerala” the State submitted. “It is reported that Maoists have been using the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe settlements for visiting the colonies – Chappel, Maradi, Mundel, Kombara, Arimala and Kunki Chira – within the jurisdiction of the Vellamunda police station.

They carry weapons and ammunition; conduct lectures; distribute pamphlets; and encourage the youth to join their organisation to fight against the government. It is nothing short of war against the nation. The police have registered several cases with regard to the activities of the group,” the State submitted. State Attorney P Vijaya Raghavan made the submission in response to a petition filed by Shyam Balakrishnan of Mattiliyam in Wayanad, against ‘harassment’ by the police alleging Maoist link. The petitioner submitted that the police took him into custody and conducted an illegal search in his house.


Villagers wary of suspected Maoist presence

Recurring incidents of suspected Maoist presence in two villages in Thondarnadu grama panchayat in Wayanad district have destroyed the tranquil life of the villagers, including the tribespeople. A visit by two unidentified persons on Wednesday night to a house at Korome was the latest in a series of such incidents. It was reported that the two men, one in black dhoti and black shirt and the other with a shawl across his face, visited the house of Mustafa of Kottaykkakath around 8.30 p.m. The house is located about 4 km from the Kunhome forests, where an encounter between the Thunderbolt and a group of armed militants was reported on Sunday evening.

Wayanad Attack: Missive from Maoists Blames Government

PALAKKAD: In a letter placed at the media boxes of the Press Club here on Thursday, Maoists alleged that the government is solely responsible for the attack between Maoists and Thunderbolts at Kunjom in Wayanad. The letter says, on December 7 at 5 27 pm the Maoists and Thunderbolt had an encounter in the forest where there was intense firing between them. It also says that Thunderbolt retreated to areas of safety and started fire after reaching safer zones. The Thunderbolt has been trying to eliminate Kabani Dalam (armed force) and trying to create informers in Adivasi settlements.

The Traffic cop of Quick Response Team Pramod was warned by Maoists against this. In the name of search operations, Thunderbolt has been harassing people and it is unjustifiable. Home Minister Ramesh Chennithala and his team are only trying to eliminate Maoists, but not addressing the real issues of people. The Maoists are fighting on behalf of the people to get them justice and resist against exploitation. The KPCC Chief once said that the root cause of Maoist menace must be eliminated. The root cause here is the suffering of the people and the government must take necessary measures to alleviate their suffering, and eliminating Maoists is not the solution. The letter concludes with the name Jogi, spokesperson of CPI (Maoist) Western Ghats Special Zone.

..Further, suspected Maoists kidnapped two Police personnel at Kushchira on Dumka-Pakur border on December 18, reports The Times of India. The Maoists also took away three rifles. In a separate incident Maoist cadres attacked a construction site and its workers on December 16 leaving several injured in Latehar District, reports ANI. The Maoists destroyed a make-shift tent and thrashed all the workers engaged in the construction of a bridge. The Maoists also burnt machines at the site before leaving pamphlets behind in which they owned up for the incident.

MLKP militant Sibel Bulut martyred in Kobane


Police attack tent of condolence for Sibel Bulut in Adana

Adana police have attacked the tent put up to receive condolences for MLKP (Marxist Leninist Communist Party) fighter Sibel Bulut, with code-name Eylem Deniz/Sarya Özgür, who has lost her life in the battle in Kobanê on 12 December. Riot police and public security officers affiliated to Adana Metropolitan Municipality have staged a crackdown on the tent of condolence being put up at the İnönü Park, brutally assaulting the visitors and those organising the action under the leadership of the ESP (Socialist Party of the Oppressed) supported by the IHD (Human Rights Association) and the SYKP (Socialist Party for Re-Establishment).

The brutal attack by Turkish police has left many civilians injured while 10 have been reported detained as police have completely surrounded the park and denying access to the area. The detainees have reportedly been taken to Adana police headquarters.


Komalên Jinên Kurdistan statement

‘Resistance is a historical duty of humanity’

“Resistance against the massacres carried out by the nation-states are collapsing light a nightmare around the people of the Middle East, as well as their gangs of proxies and collaborators such as ISIS, is a humanitarian duty. The struggle of our comrade Sarya, who possessed a consciousness that resistance and struggle were among the most rooted historical strengths of peoples and who was martyred in the ranks of the resistance, is the consciousness of this historical humanity.

In the ancient lands of the Middle East, the consciousness of a common life and a common resistance over the course of thousands of years has taken on an internationalist spirit under the leadership of women. The Arin’s, the Kader’s, the Sibel’s and the thousands of other women have proved this with a passion for freedom that recognizes no borders and with their magnificent resistance both in Kobanê and with their years of resistance against hegemony. Women, with their belief in the unity of socialist struggle and the free will of peoples will strengthen their organizations and resistance with a passion for freedom.”


‘Join resistance in Kobanê’

The KJK statement also concluded with a call to join the resistance in Kobanê, reading “We are calling on all women with a passion for freedom to strengthen the ranks of the resistance, to develop common organizations, and to join the resistance in Rojava where there exists the free unity and future of the peoples. We once more salute all of our martyrs in the person of comrade Sarya and promise to the grow the flames of resistance.”



Chairman Mao taught us, we should let comrades speak and then, mention if they have error so they can correct themselves. Central Committee has given opportunity to comrade Kabir to submit his position. It has been urgent to criticize his errors that has been expressed in those positions and manifested in his activities because if errors are piled up, in turn, may create serious end. There are two attitudes in accepting the criticism. One is to learn from that and correct errors, avoid future error by learning from past errors, an attitude of honest, good and Marxist-Leninist comrade.

On the other side, not sincerely accepting criticism, making self-criticism like Fazlu clique only for showing to pose as good, making conspiracy and clique to materialize own erroneous line, spreading rumor and slander, making faction, commit secret killing by being agent of domestic and international enemies and trying to make comrade arrested is the attitude of reactionaries and counterrevolutionaries. The central committee wish comrade Kabir will take the first attitude and do not take the last mentioned attitude of bourgeoisie reactionaries.

The end of taking the last mentioned attitude is the end of history of Fazlu clique. Since after appointed in Payarabagan [A riverine forest area in southern Bangladesh where the first Base Area was established by the Proletarian Party of East Bengal in 1971—Sarbaharapath], dogmatism was noted in comrade Kabir. Those were manifested through various reports and practices. In face of two fold pressure from the Awami League and the Pak military fascists, that dogmatism expressed itself as pessimism. That pessimism and rightwing attitude was expressed in his speech in the first national congress of the Proletarian Party of East Bengal through following position: “Party has huge failure, from beginning to end, party has made left deviation” etc.

He came to such conclusion because of dogmatic analysis of military and other lines. He was criticized in congress and dogmatism was taken as main danger of party. Comrade Kabir was appointed to merge with workers-peasants to eliminate dogmatism, not just to change clothing but to eliminate dogmatic thinking.

What is dogmatism?

Dogmatism is a method of thinking that starts from theory and confine itself in theory. Dogmatists deny the process of dialectic materialist process of knowledge. The dogmatists do not start from matter or particular condition but from theory or foreign experience and blindly impose solution of particular condition of foreign to own country’s problems. Philosophically what are dogmatists? When anyone gets in contact with object, that is reflected in brain through five perceptual organs. First, this is perceptual knowledge.

Therefore, source of all knowledge is matter. It is the materialism of knowledge. There are difference among all the objects. That is why they have different existences. For example, Karim, Rahim, Abul everyone have different existences so, we can recognize them. It would impossible to recognize them if they had no differences. Similarly, there are differences among different countries, problems of revolutions of those countries and parties of those countries. That is why they have different existences. That is, East Bengal is East Bengal but not India; revolution and Proletarian Party of East Bengal and that of India are not the same. This is called particularity of contradiction. Dogmatists do not reflect matter including this particularity and do not achieve perceptual knowledge from matter. They do not sum up the perceptual knowledge with the help of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetug Thought and make rational knowledge-theory-plan-general line, that is, do not raise perceptual knowledge to higher stages and follow dialectics of knowledge [ 1].

The dogmatists start form theory and idea that is, pre-made idea and theory, accordingly view object and want to give solution of transformation of matter. That means, they give prominence to conscience, view conscience as object and want to provide solution of transformation of object by such conscience that is not related to that object. That is idealism [2]. Thus, dogmatists do not go to conscience from matter, but go to matter from conscience and view matter according to conscience. According to them, matter is a complex of senses. It is idealism, so dogmatists are idealist. In place of matter-conscience-matter, that is, practice-conscience-practice, they follow the path: conscience (by not taking from matter but from formulae, quotation)-matter. Thus, they deny that the source of conscience is matter, which is like thinking of river without source and tree without root.

Thus, the dogmatists completely abandon the dialectical materialist course of knowledge and become idealist and metaphysical. The dogmatists memorize and do leap service of some theories and formulae and think themselves as big scholar, raise their tail to sky and by mongering phrase astonish those comrades who do not know theories. Consequently, greed for leadership and all-knowing scholastic mentality is created among them. The Chinese party was seriously affected by such dogmatists many times. All the dogmatists have inflicted serious losses to revolution of East Bengal and India. Chairman Mao said, “Many communists of China became revisionist by failing to combine theory with practice (by being dogmatist—Author)”. Comrade Kabir was given a guide line when he was appointed in Payarabagan. But when submitting report, he did not mention of applying of guide line but sent report filled with some quotations. He did not elaborately mention regarding important matters during the retreat of Front no. 2 from Payarabagan but wrote the whole report with comrade Asad.

At that time, in making report, he did not reflect objective condition that is, our condition, people’s condition, enemy condition, raised problems, solution of those and result of application of central order, but submitted report filling it with some quotations and secondary points. Thus, dogmatism inside him was noted. The dogmatists do not reflect in brain the whole situation, that is, the contradictions inside matter, principal contradiction, principal aspect of a contradiction, outside condition that is its relation to other objects and its position. So, they become one-sided and disappointed. In face of serious pressure by the Pak military fascists and six mountains’ lackeys, comrade Kabir when being with comrade Masum, became disappointed and say such things like “We have no other way but establish contact with China-Burma-India, bring arms from there and arm peasants with those”. Comrade Siraj Sikder wrote letter to him by advising to keep his brain cool, reflect matter properly and leave dogmatism.

Later on, in congress, comrade Kabir mentioned our great success as big failure and correct military and political line of party as top to bottom left adventurist line and other than reflecting particular condition of Front no.2, he made comment that all the error had arose because of not applying the strategy that chairman Mao had taken in Ching Kiang Mountain. [3] In congress, the big theories and phrases of comrade Kabir amazed those comrades who do not know theories and some of them unconsciously supported it. Thus, those comrades who do not know theories tailed behind dogmatism. In Chinese Communist Party, Chen-Tu-Shiu was such type of dogmatist. At last in 1927, in face of severe attack by Chiang-ki-shek, he became pessimist about revolution and expressed himself as rightist. He became agent of Chiang by being Trotskyite. Li Li shan and such other dogmatists had one more time assumed power of the leadership of the Chinese party and made left deviation, Ching Kiang Base Area was lost, hundreds of thousands comrades lost their lives and party had to carry Long March.

If congress had accepted the report of comrade Kabir, it would mean that party had become rightist and pessimist. And inevitably party would turn into tail of the bourgeoisie. That is why the dogmatists should not be kept in central, regional or any level. In complex situation of revolution, they by being pessimist, become rightist, or by doing left adventurism, they inflict huge losses to revolution. This is why comrade Siraj Sikder did not appoint comrade Kabir convener of District no. 4 when he was given the task to make the convening committee of the same district. First comrade Kabir showed much aspiration of making joint area including his area and the area under comrade Jhinuk. Comrade Siraj Sikder asked them to form convener committee and make report. But comrade Kabir requested comrade Siraj Sikder to make them convener committee. Comrade Siraj Sikder made them a convener committee by taking comrade Kabir as member and another one comrade as convener. But after formation of that committee, comrade Kabir asked for dissolving his area connection to that and brings that directly under center.

He complained that the cadre history of Jhinuk was not correct, comrade Siraj Sikder use to be influenced by others, that means, as comrade Kabir had criticized someone close to comrade Siraj Sikder, so, comrade Siraj Sikder, in retaliation, had not make comrade Kabir convener. Comrade Kabir expressed such attitude. He expressed such attitude that each area should work independently despite being in a single convener committee (which is actually fortress making mentality) and showed negligence and non-cooperation in taking approval from the convener in different works and sending important documents to him/her. Very often comrade Kabir says that many are theoretically low standard, that is, lower than him, so, he should be appointed in higher post; he expressed such attitude. Recently comrade Kabir proposed to form a Writer Board [4] under the Central Committee to write various documents and include senior comrades in it.

That means, abstractly it has been expressed that he should be also included. Thus, we see, comrade Kabir possesses greed for post and leadership. The Fazlu clique wanted to overthrow comrade Siraj Sikder via conspiracy and clique by saying him totally reactionary. The real objective of saying of forming writer’s board by comrade Kabir is to confine, inactivate or completely deduct the role of comrade Siraj Sikder. His that attitude was expressed in his writing, “ It is difficult for you (Siraj Sikder) to write so many things. Secondly, party should not be dependent on individual or party should not be individual-centered.” He denied the role of the Central Committee by his this saying. Khruschev had overthrown Stalin by saying about joint leadership and opposing Stalin’s so called individualism. Liu Chao Chi had made hundreds of obstacles in extensive propagation of Works of Chairman Mao and publicity and application of his thought so that people may not be familiar with thought of Chairman Mao, he may not achieve confidence and popularity among huge party comrades and people, because in that case, it will be easy to overthrow him and capture power.

By saying those things, is not comrade Kabir too unconsciously expressing the attitude of Liu Chao Chi? That is, has not he expressed such attitude to spread the role of Comrade Siraj Sikder as less a possible, so that his popularity will be less, he will have less confidence of cadres and easily he can be overthrown to capture power? Chairman Mao said, “Be it revolutionary or counterrevolutionary, before capturing power everyone needs to create public opinion.” The meaning of creating public opinion on the side of comrade Siraj Sikder is to create public opinion on the side of revolutionary leadership, sustaining power of revolutionary leadership of party and against reactionary, counterrevolutionary and bad elements. This is why Khruschev-Liu Chao Chi and their apprentice Fazlu were against the popularity of revolutionary leadership and they made all sorts of efforts to reduce it and reverse it.

The reactionaries are disturbed by the popularity of revolutionary leadership. That attitude is expressed in the words of comrade Kabir. It is mentioned in our constitution, and chairman Mao said, personal initiative and collective leadership both should be maintained. Do not overemphasize one while downplaying another. Different forms of revisionists and reactionaries oppose personal initiative of revolutionary leadership, and in the name of emphasizing on collective leadership, actually they overthrow revolutionary leadership and seize counterrevolutionary power. There, they restore main role and autocracy of ‘particular individual’ in counterrevolutionary activities and discard democracy and collective leadership. Khruschev, in the name of collective leadership, actually discarded democracy and collective leadership and established autocracy. Fazlu clique also wanted the same. On the other side, revolutionary leadership give opportunity to fully develop individual initiative and maintain collective leadership and democracy. The Proletarian Party of East Bengal is giving full opportunity of individual initiative of comrade Siraj Sikder in party, while at the same time, collective leadership and democracy is being implemented in Central Committee by approving his directives, his and others’ proposal submitting, discussion, review, amendment of those through democratic method.

Comrade Kabir, by not mentioning political, organizational, military and ideological errors of comrade Siraj Sikder and others related to him, have grasped rumor, slander, bad naming coming from second hand and those who are discontented on party leadership because of clique and personal reason and personal interest. Comrade Kabir said, “We cannot rule out slander, rumor, bad naming and complain of Fazulu-Sultan clique.” If Fazlu-Sultan’s rumor-slander and bad naming was true, they would not make conspiracy and clique, spread rumor-slander, do bad naming, make faction, nor would they make conspiracy to kill and make arrest. In that case, they would stay inside party and carry struggle via democratic way. They made conspiracy and clique because they will not sustain face to face in front of truth; they made conspiracy of secret killing and making arrest comrades. If rumor, slander and bad naming by clique cannot be rule out, so that is true.

Then, why Fazlu-Sultan made clique? Can comrade Kabir answer to that question? “We cannot rule out”, by saying that, comrade Kabir proved that to him this rumor is not rumor, slander is not slander, bad naming is not bad naming, that means, it is in his mind also. Does not it mean that he obey manifesto of clique despite he have not joined clique organizationally? It means, they are ideologically agreed to clique but not affiliated organizationally. Being ideologically agreed, not being organizationally united means not joining because of personal interest, because he/she will not be leader so he/she did not join. Deben-Bashar and many other, despite saying us ideologically and politically correct, do not joint us organizationally because they will not be able to be leader.

Does not his statement prove that comrade Kabir has not joined Fazlu clique because he (Kabir) will not be able to be leader or it is not possible to take Fazlu clique as leader (perhaps because Fazlu clique do not know theory)? Believing second hand rumor and slander is idealism. The dogmatists are idealist. By believing second hand criticism, comrade Kabir showed idealism. Comrade Kabir, by not reflecting in his brain the present condition of the Proletarian Party of East Bengal and present condition of society of East Bengal but by proposing to produce big irrelevant articles in blind following of Chinese Party, showed his dogmatism. The current problem of the Proletarian Party of East Bengal is to carry anti clique struggle and rectification campaign and make it a success. In the course of that rectification campaign, cadres will master dialectical materialist work-method.

Our task, aim and about the role of various classes at the present stage of East Bengal society is clearly expressed in our political documents, especially ‘Complete the unfinished national democratic revolution’ document. It is proven as correct in practice. At present, we need to produce document on anti-clique struggle, rectification campaign and ‘Socialism’ and expose the deception of the so called socialism of the reactionaries. By leaving that real condition, comrade Kabir, by saying of producing some dogmatic documents have left the real condition of organization and society. Comrade Kabir wrote, “They (that is general comrades) think national democratic revolution as originated from comrade Siraj Sikder’s brain like Mujivism” All of our comrade, even people know that Mujiv-ism is not originated from Mujiv’s brain but is a creation of Indian Expansionism.

That is national treachery and fascism. On the other hand, strategy and tactics of national democratic revolution of East Bengal (till now) is originated from comrade Siraj Sikder’s brain (on the basis of matter to conscience and applying that from conscience to matter). If comrades think so, it shows confidence on leadership and reflection of truth. How can it be blind following? Actually comrade Kabir meant that those comrades who chant Long Live comrade Siraj Sikder and are confident on comrade Siraj Sikder are blind follower, they act blindly etc. that means, we should not popularize comrade Siraj Sikder. Those words are nothing but the echo of the fazlu clique. In one place, comrade Kabir wrote that we must overcome our theoretical limitations. Is there any theoretical limitation of the Proletarian Party of East Bengal? Have there any problems raised on the question of revolution of East Bengal or of party development, the solution of what the Proletarian Party of East Bengal could not provide? Party gave solution of each and every raised problem.

Comrade Kabir is closing his eyes, so he does not see the solution of the raised problem in the course of development of party and that is why he says like this. The meaning of discovering such imaginary limitations is to prove the disability and disqualification of leadership and the Central Committee. Regarding lack of leadership and successor of leadership, comrade Kabir showed totally dogmatist attitude. In order to overcome lack of leadership and make successor, he mentioned methods like “making Board of Writers, theoretical research, study, writing theoretical research articles” etc. He further said, just practice is not enough but main question is to sum up the experience of practice to raise it to theoretical level. His those arguments are like Liu Chao Chi’s ‘How to be a good communist by reading books at home’. The fundamental question of knowledge is not summing up experience to raise it to theoretical level.

That is half of the process of knowledge and less important part. The fundamental problem of knowledge is to apply theory in practice, applying theory in changing matter, transform matter accordingly and verify it. The process of applying that is the most important stage of process of knowledge. In this stage, the main problem knowledge is determined whether or not that is correct. Therefore, main question is application, verifying theory in practice and transform matter. Comrade Kabir has made upside down the dialectical materialist epistemology. Marx said, “Philosophers have interpreted the world, the question is to change it.” So, revolution is made not to produce theory, nor it is the main question of revolution, but it is to change the world. The proletarians do not make revolution to produce theory but to change the society and world. According to the words of Comrade Kabir, revolution is being carried to raise practice to theoretical level.

His that saying is totally anti-Marxist. It is dogmatism. The best way of training and bringing up comrades is not research (which produce the reactionary academician, specialist and revisionists) but appointing everyone in great mass struggle of revolutionary practice and giving full opportunity to develop creativity in practice. Comrades will come out from here who are able to combine theory with practice and creatively apply Marxism to solve the problems of revolution.

Comrade Kabir wrote, “Party minus Siraj Sikder = approximately 0”. That equation is not correct. We should not think, “Without someone the earth will stop moving”. That means, this conception is completely anti-Marxist that without comrade Siraj Sikder, East Bengal revolution will cease to exist and party will collapse. As an inevitable end of motion of East Bengal society, revolutionary party and leadership will develop. In absence of comrade Siraj Sikder, sincere revolutionaries will take responsibility and carry party and revolution forward according to their own qualification. On leadership and successor question, comrade Kabir manifested historical idealism in place of historic materialism, that is, such theories like there can be no social change and revolution without particular individual, successor will come out not from class and national struggle but from ‘Writers Board’ and closed door house. First he wanted to totally deny the contribution of comrade Siraj Sikder and then, by saying that without Siraj Sikder party is zero, he refuted his own argument.

His, the two mutually opposite arguments are wrong. He expressed the attitude like Liu Chao Chi of being a good communist by producing articles and being confined in laboratory. Successor of comrade Siraj Sikder will come out in the course of mass struggle, not through Writers Board. Lenin, Stalin, Mao Tsetung have not come out from Writers Board. Nor comrade Siraj Sikder has come out from Writers Board. All of them have come out through stormy class and national struggle. Writers Board produces Kautsky, Bernstine, Khruschev, Liu Chao Chi, Huq-Toha, Deben-Motin, Kaji-Rono and other revisionists. Therefore, the charge of comrade Kabir is totally wrong that comrade Siraj Sikder has lack of initiative in developing creativity of comrades.

But really comrade Siraj Sikder has opposition in developing dogmatist initiative. Chairman Mao said, “There is a real theory that comes from practice and is tested in practice.” Whoever produces document including such theories, party will accept that. So, the meaning of the charge that there is no democracy in publishing documents is that comrade Kabir’s document is not published. Comrade Kabir wrote two documents that starting from theory confine itself in theory. That means, he writes document by not achieving experience through guerrilla war, summing that up to produce general laws and applying that to verify. He was said, “You, by yourself, verify those theories through practice and then submit.”

About publishing different documents, comrade Kabir said about developing democracy. That means, he wanted to say that why he is not given opportunity too. He made this charge by giving indication to comrade Taher and Comrade Shahid too. Documents on behalf of party must be approved by the Central Committee and for Lal Jhanda, it must be approved by the editors of that. Individually any one can publish documents, but not in party’s name.

As party has not published dogmatist document, he is discontented over party. He demands democracy in document publishing and want to form Writers Board etc. Recently when reporting work, comrade Kabir, despite mentioning about the correctness of party line of working among peasants by being peasant and line of national enemy annihilation, he planned for attack on a Police Outpost (containing 7/8 Police). Without carrying national enemy annihilation, going to such attack is adventurism. The dogmatists, thus, easily make left deviation and do adventurism. Eventually, they embrace frustration and abscond-ism and finally they become rightist. The dogmatists, by mongering big theories, astonish comrades who do not know theories.

So, the later ones tail behind them. In this way, it arises inside party as a serious danger. After Payarabagan, comrade Kabir adopted abscond-ism and became frustrated and finally became rightist, said party success as absolute failure and attacked party’s correct line as left adventurist. Inside comrade Kabir, there is possibility of repeating the dogmatist cycle: left adventurism-abscond-ism-rightist pessimism. Recently in military case, his left adventurism has been manifested in attacking Police Outpost. One’s world outlook is reflected in each and every writing-word-activity. So, it is not possible to hide own actual character. Comrade Kabihir, though his writings, words and activities have manifested his world outlook.

He is dogmatist, so idealist and metaphysical. From that arises his attitude of thinking himself scholar, able for leadership and greed for leadership and post. Conclusion is made on the basis of analysis and knowingly or unknowingly, analysis is made on the basis of world outlook. In the world, basically there are two world outlooks: Proletarian and Bourgeoisie. So, the identity of conclusion, that is, same conclusion proves identity of world outlook. The similarity of conclusion of Comrade Kabir with that of Fazlu clique on various questions proves the identity of their world outlook. That means, both of their world outlook is idealism and metaphysics, which is centered on individual interest (greed for leadership, post, name and fame and other individual interest). The past reactionary lumpen life of comrade Kabir, his petit bourgeoisie class origin and the above mentioned errors are very serious in this case. Therefore, for the sake of revolution, party and masses, comrade Kabir should be aware of himself and comrade should be very much aware of comrade Kabir. Otherwise, he can make any grave loss to revolution.



1. Dialectics of knowledge is to raise perceptual knowledge to conceptual knowledge and apply the later to revolutionary practice. Raising perceptual knowledge to conceptual knowledge is the first and less important stage of the whole knowledge. The most important stage of the whole process of knowledge is to apply conceptual knowledge in revolutionary practice and verify that knowledge through persisting in transforming matter by that.

2. The idealists give conscience at first place and see conscience as matter. A tree arises in imagination, so, I saw the tree outside. On the contrary, materialists give matter at first place, and conscience is the reflection of matter in brain through five perceptual organs. Matter exists regardless of its existence in thinking or not. It means, tree exists regardless of anyone think about it or not. Conscience or idea about tree generates after viewing tree, that is, tree is reflected in brain through eye perceptual organ, then tree is viewed and idea or conscience about tree emerges.

Alto al matonaje del MAS en la UPEA



El pasado 26 de noviembre el dirigente de la carrera de Sociología de la Universidad Pública de El Alto (UPEA), el compañero Rimber Gutierrez Limachi, fue golpeado brutalmente por un grupo de cinco personas, dos de ellas con el rostro cubierto, cuando llegaba a su domicilio aproximadamente a las 8:30 de la noche, ese día más temprano en la Universidad, el compañero y otros dirigentes enfrentaron una trifulca organizada y dirigida por gente afín al rector, Miguel Ángel Vargas y a la eterna dirigente de la carrera de Trabajo Social, Mónica Eva Copa.

Producto de esta golpiza el compañero Rimber se encuentra hospitalizado y ya ha sido sometido a una intervención quirúrgica y es probable que necesite otra más, los matones golpearon al compañero en los genitales mientras lo amenazaban para que no siga hablando. Rimber junto al movimiento universitario progresista viene denunciando la injerencia del MAS en la Universidad y está pidiendo la rendición de cuentas a las autoridades universitarias sobre el manejo económico.

No hay que ser un genio ni se precisa mayor “evidencia” para darse cuenta de donde viene el ataque contra el movimiento estudiantil progresista y revolucionario. La Universidad Pública de El Alto viene siendo sometida a una injerencia por parte del gobierno a través de dirigentes oportunistas que tienen deudas económicas pendientes con la Universidad y la justicia, estos dirigentes han sido denunciados por robos y negociados, así como acuerdos políticos oscuros a espaldas de las bases para hacerse de cargos en el Estado.

Precisamente estos dirigentes forman parte del Movimiento al Socialismo de Evo Morales y han postulado a la aprendiz de capataz Mónica Eva Copa al cargo de Senadora, cargo que ha obtenido y por ello fue acreditada por el gobierno en una sesión que contó con la participación del rector de la UPEA y toda la recua que la sigue. La flamante senadora sin embargo no quiere dejar el feudo dirigencial estudiantil y por ello organiza a centros de estudiantes adictos a su política prebendal para arremeter contra el movimiento estudiantil autonomista.

El día 26 de septiembre, Copa y su gente buscaban la acreditación de un centro de estudiantes apócrifo que no había sido reconocido por la Federación Universitaria Local (FUL) pero que pretendía el reconocimiento del Concejo Universitario, algo similar a lo que ocurrió con ella pues la “dirigente-senadora” no cuenta con el reconocimiento de la FUL pero sí con el de sus amigos en el Concejo Universitario. Al verse impedida en sus intenciones de acreditar a su centro afín, Copa movió a su tropa de choque para secuestrar por varias horas a los concejeros sin conseguir sus objetivos. Un grupo de esta gente aparentemente siguió al compañero Rimber cuando, ya por la noche, se retiraba a su domicilio donde fue atacado violentamente.

Como hemos dicho no hace falta ser un genio para darse cuenta que es la gente del MAS en la Universidad la que está detrás de este acto criminal, esa gente ha pretendido relativizar el hecho, pidiendo “pruebas fehacientes”, diciendo que el compañero Rimber estaba borracho o que “ha sido una pelea entre ellos”. Estos argumentos bastardos buscan negar la responsabilidad criminal de los masistas en la Universidad y esconder la práctica de persecución política y matonaje contra el movimiento popular estudiantil que se opone a la injerencia del gobierno y al loteamiento de la universidad a través de la corrupción y la prebenda.

Condenamos vehementemente esta acción de persecución y violencia política contra el compañero Rimber Gutiérrez, llamamos a defender su integridad física y su representación como dirigente que ahora viene siendo apetecido por el oportunismo canalla que busca aprovechar la convalescencia de Rimber, llamamos a defender la autonomía universitaria de la injerencia del gobierno de Evo Morales en la UPEA y de sus operadores que hacen de la política universitaria un trampolín mafioso para conseguir puestos en el Estado, finalmente condenamos la política gamonal matonesca que el MAS emplea en la UPEA al estilo de las viejas dictadura militares. Solicitamos a los estudiantes democráticos y a las organizaciones progresistas dentro de Bolivia y fuera de ella que se pronuncien y condenen estos hechos. Pueden enviar su protesta al Consejo Universitario de la Universidad Pública de El Alto y una copia al Centro de Estudiantes de la Carrera de Sociología de la UPEA.

Via Análisis y Opinión

¡Libertad para Igor Mendes da Silva y demás presos políticos en Brasil!-FDLP


No han pasado muchas semanas desde que en Brasil, grandes latifundistas, sus grupos paramilitares con el apoyo de aparatos represivos del Estado y bajo la directriz política del régimen fascista de Dilma Rousseff asesinaran al dirigente de la Liga de Campesinos Pobres de Brasil: Cleomar Rodrigues de Almeida. Hoy, una vez más dan rienda suelta a su política de represión en contra de los dirigentes populares del Brasil, arrestando de manera alevosa a los compañeros del Movimiento Revolucionario Estudiantil Popular – MEPR , y del Frente Popular Independiente de Río de Janeiro (RJ-FIP), particularmente al compañero Igor Mendes, quién fue detenido por fuerzas represivas del gobierno.

El compañero Igior Mendes, al igual que otros muchos más, ha emprendido con importantes y justas jornadas de movilización en contra del derroche burgués-terrateniente con la realización del Mundial de Fútbol 2014. De igual manera, han sido partícipes de jornadas de protesta a favor de la educación, el transporte popular, la salud pública, la permanente violencia policial y la ocupación militar de las comunidades pobres. Para el proletariado y pueblo del Ecuador, es importante que conozcamos el verdadero carácter que tienen estos regímenes reformistas en el que además de Rafael Correa, Evo Morales, Mujica, Bachelett, y otros, en Brasil, Dilma Rousseff, de igual manera emprende con un programa restaurador que trata de implementar las políticas necesarias para profundizar y evolucionar el capitalismo burocrático en Brasil.

Desde luego, para poder promover con esta reforma, el régimen fascista de Rousseff ha venido utilizando una permanente y sistemática política de terror estatal asociada al paramilitarismo terrateniente en contra de los campesinos pobres, y en las ciudades, en contra del pueblo marginado y sus organizaciones de avanzada que de manera sostenida emprenden jornadas de lucha para detener los desafueros del régimen y la voracidad burgués-terrateniente aliada al imperialismo.

En esa medida, el proletariado y pueblo del Ecuador emite su más ferviente rechazo y condena en contra del gobierno de Rousseff. Demandamos el cese inmediato a la persecución de las organizaciones clasistas y populares, así como también la inmediata libertad de Igor Mendes y demás presos políticos que hoy están detenidos en las cárceles del Brasil. Una vez más lo volvemos a decir, el comportamiento represivo del régimen y del viejo estado de Brasil, solo refleja lo decadente de su sistema, la incompatibilidad que tiene éste con los intereses de las grandes mayorías, pero sobre todo, la bancarrota de la dictadura burgués-terrateniente que se manifiesta en sus desesperados actos violentos por detener la firme protesta popular.

Si la fascista de Dila Rousseff considera que con el asesinato del valeroso compañero Cleomar Rodrigues de Almeida pudieron detener la justa lucha por la tierra que emprenden los campesinos pobres del Brasil, se equivocó, esa sangre solo fortalece y atiza la lucha agrarista, democrática. Si la fascista considera que criminalizando, persiguiendo y encarcelando a jóvenes estudiantes comprometidos con la casusa del pueblo va a detener la creciente protesta y lucha popular en contra del viejo estado, de igual manera, se vuelve a equivocar, pues tan solo evidencia la bancarrota del caduco estado, la incapacidad que tienen “los de arriba” de seguir administrando y gobernando como hasta entonces, y, “los de abajoque ya no quieren seguir viviendo en las condiciones de pauperización como lo han venido haciendo durante siglos y que ante esta decisión ya no solo luchan por reivindicaciones económicas, sino que bajo dirección del proletariado y la alianza obrero-campesino-popular bregan por crear las condiciones subjetivas para la conquista del Poder.

Está claro en Brasil, LA REBELIÓN SE JUSTIFICA, “las masas nos esperan, quieren luz, no sombras,” el socavamiento de los muros se gesta, no cuenta la cuota que hay que poner, ¡somos los hacedores del mañana!






Diciembre 2014

Frente de Defensa de Luchas del Pueblo – Ecuador (FDLP-EC)