People’s War in India Clippings 30/4/2016


3 women Maoists killed in Kalahandi

Three women armed cadre of banned CPI (Maoist) were gunned down and a Maoist camp busted during a combing operation at Sahajkhaol Reserve Forest in Odisha’s Kalahandi district today. “As per the preliminary information received, three women Maoists were killed in the encounter with the personnel of Odisha Police,” Superintendent of Police, Kalahandi, Brijesh Rai said.

He said the personnel of Special Operation Group (SOG), a special paramilitary unit in Odisha, and district voluntary force raided the Maoist camp based on intelligence input.Stating that some items and arms ammunition were seized from the camp, the SP said the police have recovered three bodies of women cadre from the damaged maoist camp in the dense forest.

He said there was a heavy exchange of fire between the security personnel and the maoist ultras. “We will be able to give details about the operation only after the jawans return from the place of operation,” Rai said, adding the place of operation was located along the border of Kalahandi and Nawrangpur districts and very near to Ampani Ghat and NH-26.

The other Maoist cadre abandoned the camp and fled away, he said. Several Maoist literature, daily needs, arms and ammunition including two .303 rifles and 9 mm pistol have been seized from the camp.

Naxals kill their 2 tribals associates

Two tribals, who were associated with the Naxals, were today killed allegedly by the Maoists in Dhanora tehsil of the district, on the pretext of engaging in “suspicious acts”, police said. Around 15 to 20 Naxals stormed into Masanadi village and took 52-year-old Sheshrao Baggaji Darro and 55-year-old Dewaji Mithuji Atla out of the village, a press release issued by the Gadchiroli police said.

They were severely thrashed and killed. While Sheshrao was the Vice President of the Naxal-led Jantana Sarkar, Dewaji was a member of another Naxal organisation. “The Maoists held the duo responsible for the taking the Naxal movement backward and indulging in suspicious anti-Naxal acts,” it said. As per the release, Naxals had warned the two to “improve” their behaviour.

Anti-naxal forces must be taken care of properly: Security chiefs

Visakhapatnam: State security forces should take proper care of the personnel involved in anti-naxal operations as well as ensure sharing of information on a higher level, said security chiefs of Chattisgarh, Odisha, Telangana and AP at the first day of the two-day meeting in the city on Friday. The consensus was that communication among the naxal-affected states should be improved to combat the Maoists successfully during joint actions.

According to sources, the closed-door meeting was held at a resort 30 km away from Vizag and the entry was only confined to IPS officers.
The meeting that saw Andhra Pradesh DGP JV Ramudu as well as Odisha and Telangana DGPs KP Singh and Anurag Sharma respectively advised the IPS officers posted in the border districts of all the four states to be cautious on various issues. “The first day meeting was informal and the higher officials may discuss serious issues such as Maoist movement on Saturday as top cops like Vijaya Kumar and Kode Durgaprasad would join them. The top brass may also chalk out an action plan for the four states and submit it to the home affairs ministry,” sources said.

A senior IPS officer said that the meeting aimed to share the experiences of senior IPS officers with the younger generations, who may not know the hardships faced by their seniors, who were once superintendents of police when the naxal movement was at its peak. The first day meeting also had power point presentations from all the four states about the Maoist scenario. AP intelligence chief AB Venkateswara Rao gave a presentation about Maoist movement in the state. Additional DG Lang Kumar of Chhattisgarh explained the Maoist formations and their activities in his state.

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Armed actions against temp labor agencies in Istanbul and Ankara



The United Freedom Forces (BOG) have claimed responsibility for armed actions against temporary labor agencies in Istanbul and Ankara. The United Freedom Forces is a politico-military coordination of the Marxist–Leninist Armed Propaganda Corps-Revolutionary Front,Revolution Party of Turkey,Social Insurrection,Proletarian Revolutionary Liberation Organisation and Revolutionary Headquarters formed in the defense of the Rojava revolution.

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January-March 2016 issue of Prabhat


Signalfire is a independent news organ with no organizational links or affiliation to any political grouping in India. We are reproducing the following for the benefit of our readers.

January-March 2016 issue of the political organ of the Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee Prabhat

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Two League of Poor Peasants (LCP) activists assassinated in Buritis


According to a press release of the League of Poor Peasants of Rondonia and Western Amazonia Nivaldo Batista Cordeiro and Jesser Batista Bordeiro were shot dead on the 24th of April in Buritis in northern Minas Gerais and their bodies dumped in the nearby Candeias river. Both had previously received death threats and the Military Police are suspected to have carried out the killings on behalf of local landowners.

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Attack on MKP prisoner in Sincan Women’s Prison


MKP prisoner Sevinç Sönmez was beaten by guards in Sincan Women’s Prison. Following the attack she was sentenced to 12 days of solitary confinement.

Via Democratic Women’s Federation

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People’s War in India Clippings 28/4/2016

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4 hardcore Naxals held

Four hardcore Naxals, carrying a total reward of Rs 10 lakh, were today arrested by security personnel in separate anti-Naxal operations in Chhattisgarh’s Kondagaon and Bijapur districts respectively..

Counter-insurgency operations in Varanasi area of UP

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No Revolution without the Liberation of Women & No Liberation of Women without the Revolution!-Part Three


Our Critique of the Revolutionary Movement’s Perspective of Gender and Patriarchy (Part 3)

In 2004, during a dialogue, organised in Hyderabad, between women’s organizations and the representatives of the revolutionary movement, the issue of lack of women’s representation at the level of political and intellectual leadership in the revolutionary movement was raised by many activists (EPW November 6, 2004). They argued that although the participation of women in the movement had increased significantly over the last several decades their representation in the leadership was alarmingly insignificant. In response, the representatives of the movement candidly accepted the presence of ‘patriarchal orientations’ within the party, largely because the consciousness of members is shaped by the backgrounds from which they come.

The other problem which they identified was women’s inability to transcend ‘family ideology’ preventing them from taking up the roles of political and intellectual leadership. They also stated that “it is easier to eliminate imperialism and feudalism than to eliminate patriarchy”. (EPW November 6, 2004) But why? Is patriarchy a spectre in our mind, which can only be exorcised but cannot be fought and defeated? Isn’t patriarchy a product of history, which, currently in our context, has been constituted by, just as it has simultaneously been constitutive of, imperialist and feudal forces? Assumption here is that women cannot be independent political agents capable of leading the revolutionary movement because the patriarchal ideology does not allow them to come out of their own immediacy. Let’s first discuss the contentious and complex question of human agency, particularly of women’s agency, before coming back to the issue of women’s representation in the leadership

In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Marx writes, “people make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given, and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living.” History could not have progressed without people having agency. But the agency of people is always constrained and mediated by the ideological, political and material circumstances in which they live. Throughout history, people, collectively as well as in their individual capacity, have always resisted and fought against the exploitation and oppression of the ruling classes. These struggles, however, have always been complex and multi-layered because the ruling classes in every era have controlled not only the means of material production but also the means of ideological production.

Thus, in every social formation, the dominant ideas, values and morality serve the interests of ruling classes by legitimizing existing oppressive and exploitative social relations by representing them as natural and therefore inevitable. Although violence or threat of violence constitute the ultimate means in the hands of ruling classes to maintain their control and domination, the stability and continuity of any social formation also depend on the internalization of dominant ideas, values and morality by the oppressed classes. Class struggles are always fought at both material and ideological level giving rise to a different set of values and morality which are always in contradiction with the ruling class ideology. Human agency is shaped not only by existing material circumstances but also by the conflicting ideas, values and morality of the contending classes. Human agency, therefore, is always a product of class struggles, or in other words of history.

In Indian sub-continent , the consciousness of people is shaped not only by the cocktail of feudal and imperialist values but also by the democratic values emerging out of various struggles such as Tebhaga, Telangana, Naxalbari movement, working class struggles, Dalit movement, women’s movement, struggles of oppressed nationalities, the LGBTIQ movements and numerous other quotidian struggles and movements. But in reality these conflicting sets of values and morality exist simultaneously in people influencing their actions and practices in significant ways. Moreover, the dominant values and morality exert powerful influence on the consciousness of the oppressed people, who somewhere also internalize the very logic of their own exploitation and oppression. The system of brahminical feudal patriarchy in India, which exists in active collaboration with big capital, is not different. In our context then how do we look at women’s agency? Do they really have any agency? Yes, women do have agency. They have different kinds of agencies, which are determined by the ideological, political and material circumstances in which they live. For the purpose of this pamphlet let’s conceptually divide women’s agencies into two different categories although in reality they do not exist separately.

First, the ‘status quoist agency’, which, consciously or unconsciously, tends to accept the dominant feudal patriarchal structure. Although this kind of agency remains oppressed and exploited, it receives various kinds of token ‘reward’ by the patriarchal system and enjoys limited power & status such as “good or virtuous woman”, “sacrificing mother”, “devoted wife” etc. Second, the ‘progressive agency’, which consciously questions and fights against unequal gender relations and patriarchy. It invariably faces backlash from the dominant feudal and patriarchal forces. Violence or threat of violence against this kind of agency constitutes the overt manifestation of this backlash. However, the other covert and subtle, but equally violent manifestations of this backlash are often wilfully ignored or not taken seriously by left democratic and revolutionary movements.

Women who raise their voice against patriarchy and demand equality and freedom or assert themselves are often branded as “loose” and “immoral” women facing worst kind of slander and gossip. It is important to understand that branding, slander and gossip against women and other oppressed genders, which vitiate their social space and affect their mobility and psychological well-being, are serious forms of sexual violence/harassment. However, what is most disconcerting is that these forms of violence are not the sole preserve of right wing forces, but it’s equally rampant in left democratic and revolutionary circles.

There is a tendency in the revolutionary movement to brand women, who raise questions against patriarchy, unequal gender relations, sexual violence, institutions of marriage and family, as ‘free sex theorists’ or ‘bourgeois feminists’, who by promoting imperialist culture consciously blunt class struggle. The bogus and obnoxious usage of the term ‘free sex theory’ in the documented perspectives of the movement, equips leaders (invariably male) and cadres to brand, slander and gossip against women activists who raise difficult questions. The responses that have come so far (by DSU-Bihar, Inquilabi Chatra Morcha-Allahabad University and Bhagat Singh Chatra Morcha-BHU) to our resignation aptly demonstrate this. Rather than even once quaintly attempting to engage with the questions that have been raised by us, we have been in turn branded of promoting ‘uninhibited love’, and ‘uninhibited sex’ that would lead to ‘sexual anarchy’.

In our campus, the right wing unable to come to terms with the relative democratization because of the students’ movement often resorts to such branding, slander and gossip against progressive-democratic organisations, especially women activists. But why are DSU-Bihar, ICM and BCM prisoners of the same feudal-moralist anxieties? Consider, for example the following lines in ICM-BCM’s response – “Boys and girls who are not even allowed to look at each other in their homes, here they can roam around as well as live together. One of the consequences of this, amongst other things, is coming in the form of uninhibited sexual relations. And in many places this has become a big problem for organisations.” ( And this monster, i.e., the possibility of two comrades being together, is condemned as unacceptable in more than one place!

Our attempt to locate sexual violence in the unequal power relations between different genders rooted in feudal patriarchal structure and not in the false binary of pre-marital/marital relationship has made them accuse us of promoting ‘capitalist brothels’ (i.e. live in relations!) where women inevitably get exploited. They label ‘elite’ women as victims of their false consciousness, because according to ICM-BCM unlike women from middle and toiling classes ‘elite women’ do not see consensual pre-marital relationships as the exploitation of their “natural sexual desire by men”! All the questions that we have raised – of violence, control, moral policing and domination – have been branded as emanating from “our class positions” and “problems of our personal relationships” with “no relevance for the vast masses of toiling women” (unlike their male protectionist “proletarian/communist values”).

It so often happens that any attempt to question the deeply entrenched patriarchy and the power relations behind gender oppression stokes up amongst conservative forces such apocalyptic fears of ‘sexual anarchy’. Feminists, for raising questions regarding violence, marriage, divorce, sexuality, etc., have often faced such backlash and branding from reactionary forces. But the irony becomes far too blatant when those calling themselves progressive and even revolutionary resort to the same tactics. In the usage of these terms by DSU-Bihar, ICM and BCM, the insinuations and the misogynist and patriarchal branding of those raising these questions are not too difficult to ignore. This branding has the effect of not only side-tracking difficult questions, but also simultaneously isolating those raising them, especially women activists by portraying them as depraved, degenerate, loose women and “bourgeois feminists promoting free sex theory”!

Activists in any organisation come with several societal baggages, but the revolutionary movement is supposed to make them shed and unlearn these problematic traits. But on this question, the movement not only fortifies commonsensical notions but actively emboldens leaders and cadres to slander, brand, gossip and resort to character-assassination or moral policing and thereby isolate those who raise these questions. Such a patriarchal undemocratic understanding in theory can only spawn a male protectionist & anti-woman approach in practice. And particularly when this understanding masquerades as MLM with Marxist jargons & rhetoric, then such blatant & obnoxious instances of branding and slander far from being even identified as anti-woman are much rather in fact encouraged.

In 2004, the leadership of the revolutionary movement accepted that patriarchal orientation also exists in the movement. Although the participation of women in the revolutionary movement has increased phenomenally in the last few decades, their representation in political and intellectual leadership still remains very insignificant. In that case, isn’t it possible that the manner in which the larger society tries to control and patronize women might also exist in the revolutionary movement? Isn’t it possible that the revolutionary movement, due to its commonsensical/feudal moralist understanding of patriarchy, provides space to only those women who agree with this perspective and accept subordinate positions? Isn’t it possible that the trickle that might make it to middle-rank or some level of prominence is made possible only at the cost of the fight against the deeply entrenched patriarchy?

The leadership in communist movements, in the initial period, has always come from the petty bourgeois section. And we understand the historical necessity of it. However, in the last few decades thousands of women from petty bourgeois background have actively participated in the revolutionary movement. Why then they have not been able to rise up to the leadership position barring one or two exceptions? Is it because men form petty bourgeois background immediately ‘de-class’ themselves and become true communist revolutionaries while women are unable to transcend their ‘family ideology’? Or is it because most of these women become ‘free sex theorists’ and thereby ‘imperialist agents’? Or is it because the misogynist, feudal and patriarchal elements within the movement vitiates the space for those women, who raise questions against patriarchy and male domination, by indulging in worst kinds of branding, slander and gossip against them? Whether through the “purging” of those who raise questions or through the promotion of only those who remain silent,the ultimate casualty is the battle against patriarchy.

Justice is central to the process of real democratization. Patronization and control can never ensure real political participation of women and other oppressed genders in the revolutionary movement. The movement must treat women and other oppressed genders as political agents. The democratization of the revolutionary movement is a process, which is integrally linked with the larger struggles to democratize society in general. But then democratization does not happen on its own. Conscious efforts have to be made in this direction. In the context of fight against patriarchy within and outside, the revolutionary movement must first of all recognize branding, slander and gossip against women and other oppressed genders as serious forms of sexual violence/harassment for which those responsible should be taken to task. The real democratization of the revolutionary movement cannot be achieved simply through political education; justice should also be integral to this process. When women and other oppressed genders face sexual harassment/violence, blame should not simply be placed on imperialist culture, which can be rectified by political (read moral) education. Sexual harassment/violence is a crime of power embedded in exploitative and oppressive social relations and it should be addressed as such by ensuring justice.

So, what could be the correct approach towards fighting patriarchy and democratizing gender relations? We, over the last three pamphlets have largely provided a critique of a serious lacuna in the revolutionary movement’s understanding of the same. In other words we have largely concentrated upon what is certainly not the correct approach. We have also stated why. We have emphasized for any meaningful engagement, it is imperative that we consider the fight against patriarchy not in isolation but as internal to class struggle. We have not, neither is it feasible for us to provide a comprehensive alternative perspective sitting in one university space. Rather, a recognition of the political differences and a democratic space for debate based on politics could have been a good beginning.

But, far from engaging in any such debate, far from providing any space for difference of opinions, what we witnessed was a steady shrinking of that space and a virulent spate of slander, branding and witch-hunting which finally forced us to resign from DSU. Even in the responses till now that have attempted to respond to our questions, rather than any self-reflection or even an attempt at engagement, there has only been a hardening of the same feudal-moralist positions and a branding of the questions as well as those raising them. We have and we will continue to raise our political differences with the conviction that these are extremely important questions, which the revolutionary movement must sincerely deliberate upon. It must, because, with such a patriarchal, feudal-moralist, male-protectionist and patronizing understanding on the crucial question of gender and patrarichy, there can no democratization or revolutionary social transformation.

In Revolutionary Solidarity
—-Anirban, Aswathi, Anubhav, Banojyotsna, Gogol, Priya Dharshini, Srirupa, Reyazul, Rubina, Ufaque, Umar.

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Anti-communist repression in Turkey/Kurdistan



Seven people associated with DHF were arrested in raids in Hozat on the 24th and 25th while in Istanbul simultaneous raids in multiple districts targeted activists working for Özgür Gelecek and Partizan on the 26th. A total of 29 persons have been detained in the police operation against Partizan and Özgür Gelecek in Istanbul. This follows the arrest of six DHF supporters in Elazig earlier this month.

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People’s War in India Clippings 27/4/2016


Maoists call Telangana bandh on May 4, 5

Communist Party of India (Maoists) has called for Telangana bandh on May 4 and 5 in protest against exploitation and displacement of people in the name of development, and Operation Green Hunt.

CPI (Maoists) Telangana State Committee official representative Jagan in a press release appealed to people to observe bandh and make it a success. He charged that while the National Democratic Alliance government at the Centre was trying to enforce Brahmanical Hindu fascism, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao was offering free land, water and power to corporates.


Security forces now shift focus to South Gadchiroli

Nagpur: Six companies of 191 battalion of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) have been redeployed in Etapalli division of southern Gadchiroli where Naxalites appear to be trying to revive their movement. Two companies of 37 battalion of CRPF have been shifted to Repanpalli and Rajaram Khanla while another two to Koti and Nargunda. The region, now turned into a fortress, serves as a corridor to Naxal stronghold of Abhujmadh spread across Maharashtra-Chhattisgarh border.

Sources in the security forces said sweeping actions in last couple of years coupled with opening of more police posts in key strategic locations had left the Naxals in north Gadchiroli in a tight spot with most their dalams crippled. This has led to security forces now shifting focus to south with Etapalli as epicentre, said an official source.

The deployment plan would be revolving around central paramilitary forces. “District police would fill in the gaps and play a collaborative role,” said an official source. He added that 191 battalion of the CRPF, earlier stationed at Wadsa in Kurkheda division, would be now redistributed to different police posts of Kotmi, Hedri and Halewda in Etapalli division.
Kurkheda, Khobramenda and Korchi or KKK dalam of north Gadchiroli, formed after merging other outfits, has been left ineffectual after a number of encounters and surrenders. Naxals’ Company 4, another strong military formation of north, too lost its strength substantially. It is learnt Naxals too have shifted Company 4’s movements towards south where another formation of Company 10 is already present.

The deployment of security forces to Etapalli is also being viewed as a step to help Surjagarh iron ore project gain momentum that could change the socio-economic fabric of the place. Earlier, half a dozen police posts had been opened in Etapalli that strategically surrounded the Surjagarh hills from different directions forcing Naxals to shift their hideouts and dumps from these regions.

Naxals’ gun seized

Nagpur: Gadchiroli district police have seized a 12 bore rifle, 19 rucksacks and two radios among other material from the forest of Jadegaon in Potegaon following a exchange of fire with Naxals on Tuesday. Two Naxal formations, Chamorshi local organization squad (LOS) and Platoon 4, were present in the forest when security forces swooped down upon them. Sources said the Naxals were trying to arrange a meeting of the villagers about tendu leaves collection in the area when the encounter took place.

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Three arrests in Bijapur

Maoists torch construction machinery in Adilabad district

Maoists on Wednesday torched construction machinery at the Bejjur-Aheri bridge construction work site near Gudem in Bejjur mandal of Adilabad district. The violent incident which took place in the small hours left an excavator, a tipper and a tractor partly burnt.

According to police about six armed naxalites arrived at the construction site of the bridge across Pranahita river about 13 km from Bejjur mandal head quarter village at about 3 am. They woke up four construction labourers present on the site and seized their cell phones while warning them to keep silent.

The extremists set on fire a tipper, a tractor and an excavator-loader by breaking open the diesel tanks of the machines and douging those. The extremists left after about 30 minutes, according to sources.

The incident came ahead of the two-day all-India bandh call given by Communist Party of India (Maoist) for May 4 and 5. The extremists are assumed to have crossed over from Aheri area in Gadhchiroli district of Maharashtra.

The police suspect that the incident could be linked to the bandh call though extortion of money from the contractor is not being ruled out as the reason for it. The police nevertheless have been alert for such incidents, evident from the searches they conducted in the area since the last two days.

The police conducted house to house searches at Gudem on Monday and at Bejjur mandal head quarter the following day apparently on being tipped off about the Maoists crossing over into Adilabad district. The naxalites had evidently taken shelter elsewhere and came out in the dead of the night to commit the violent incident.

The under-construction Gudem-Aheri bridge is an important link between the Southern and Northern parts of India as it joins Telangana and Maharashtra in the eastern side of this district. It is being constructed at the site where the Pranahita branches out into two.

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Details on Pabna arrests against PBCP-Red Flag


Police arrested two alleged outlaws from Pirahati village in Santhia upazila of the district early yesterday. They also seized a revolver, eight bullets, a magazine and a machete from their possession. The arrestees are Munaf Ali, 45, son of Abdul Jabbar of Laxmipur village, and Hanif Mollah, 35, son of Nawjesh Mollah of Chachkia village in Atghoria upazila.

They are the operatives of Purbo Banglar Communist Party (PBCP-Lal Pataka) faction. Officer-in-Charge of Santhia Police Station Nasir Uddin said informed that a group of operatives were making preparation to commit crime at Pirahati in the upazila a police team raided the area and arrested the two with the firearm and bullets. However, their cohorts managed to flee the scene, sensing the presence of the law enforcers, said the OC.

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