A massive operation termed as a ‘megacampaign for areadomination’, involving the para military, special commando troops and State forces from Chhattisgarh, Andhra, Telangana and Odhisha, was carried out in Sukuma, Bijapur and Dantewada districts of Chhattisgarh (falling in the Dandakaranya war zone) starting from November 2014. It was launched as part of the 3rd Phase of Operation Green Hunt, the Indian state’s war on the people. Replete with all the fare of the OGH – loot, burning down of houses, torture of adivasi and nonadivasi peasants, illegal arrests, fake encounters and fake surrenders – this encirclement and suppression campaign had the added viciousness of targeting the peasantry right at the time of the harvests. This caused great disruption in the lives of the adivasi peasants of Kunta, Jagerkunta and Kisataram. Yet, other than this havoc and destruction imposed on the masses, the campaign was a megafailure. The Indian state’s troops failed to locate and engage with the PLGA.
Meanwhile, the PLGA not only succeeded in evading the enemy, it kept a constant track of their movement, probing for weak points, with the support of the masses. And the result came in the form of the Kasalbad attack of December 1st on the CRPF. 14 enemy troops were wiped out and 15 injured. The PLGA fighters seized a number of automatic weapons, including grenade launchers. This daring action, carried out not far from a very large force, was a big blow to the morale of the Indian state’s troops. In a desperate attempt to cover up their abject failure, the Central and State governments’ initially put out a story of Maoists using villagers as ‘human shields’ which prevented the CRPF from firing at will, thus forcing it to suffer losses. Home Minister Rajnath Singh accused the Maoists of being cowards.
All of this was dutifully reported by the media. But the truth was out soon. CRPF survivors revealed how they had let down their guard since the area was supposed to be ‘cleared’, how they were encircled and attacked, and how the PLGA combatants came close and made sure that each one of their bullets counted. There was not a word about any ‘human shield’. In fact a few days later reports came of villagers being caught and beaten up by the CRPF who accused them of aiding the Maoists. So much for the honesty of the Indian rulers and the concern of their troops for the people! The lies of the government are very much part of the Low Intensity Counterrevolutionary strategy it follows. Reports about surrenders of Maoist cadres and PLGA combatants, regularly put out by the reactionary state and duly echoed by the media, is another leg of this strategy. In many instances these have been staged managed. Persons who had backed out of the revolutionary movement years before are picked up and forced to act out a ‘surrender script’ under threat of arrest and imprisonment. This is part of the psychological war component of the Indian state’s ‘war on the people’.
As pointed out by Gudsa Usendi, spokesperson of the CPI (Maoist) Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, it has an ugly monetary side too –– the loot of public money through embezzlement of the ‘head price’ of the ‘surrendered. Most probably as a fall out of the disgust this has generated, some sections of the media have started to expose ‘fake surrenders’. Thus the Indian Express reports, “Between June 1 and November 28, a total of 377 alleged Maoists are reported to have surrendered in the Maoistdominated Bastar division, 155 in November alone. A scrutiny of police records and meetings with these “surrendered” Maoists show that at least 270 of the 377 are actually ordinary villagers or routine criminals not eligible to be termed “surrendered Maoists”. The police is hoisting cases on hundreds of villagers without their knowledge, declaring them ‘absconders’ and then threatening them with arrest unless they carry out tasks imposed on them. This formed the context for a massive protest by the masses in end February, lasting for days and including blockading of an important highway.
‘Govt pitting tribals against each other’
Etapalli (Gadchiroli): Top Naxal leaders, part of the south Gadchiroli division’s western regional committee, slammed the government claiming it is luring tribals to take up arms against each other during an interaction with the media at an undisclosed location in the forest where Maharashtra-Chhattisgarh shares the border in Etapalli taluka of Gadchiroli on Thursday. The rebels’ discussion mostly revolved around their appeal to C-60 commandos of Gadchiroli, who are mostly tribals and celebrating their silver jubilee this year.
The outlaws asked the commandos to refrain from gunfights in the guerrilla zones in which they are either harming them or someone among the brethren who are championing the cause of the repressed and the exploited. The guerrilla leaders claimed that they had dedicated the week from March 23 and 29 in the honour of martyr Bhagat Singh to show solidarity to their jailed compatriot and supporters from village. The interaction with media took place around 15 kms from a place where superintendent of police, Gadchiroli, Sandeep Patil and other senior officers were camping. Even the state police chief Sanjeev Dayal and others were present in Etapalli at a place not far from where two major formations of Naxals were present.
“The C-60 commandos should realize that we have fought for the liberation of their forefathers from repression of the foresters in the early 80s when even chopping firewood for preparing meal would result in severe punishment,” said Ritesh (name changed), a divisional committee member of South Gadchiroli. He added, “The district was engulfed in abject poverty and apathy of the government until Naxal movement started around 35 years ago.” “The C-60 force should realize why the government wants to defeat us when we are merely fighting for the tribals rights on jal (water), jungle (forest), jameen (land). The government is merely eyeing the resources of the district which belongs to the tribal,” he said.
Ritesh pointed out that several C-60 commandos have faced humiliations from seniors during the course of their duties and have also been compelled to end life. “The government is trying to trample the movement which has been shaped up to help the poor to fight for their rights, create awareness and emerge from exploitations. The district has witnessed drastic changes since Naxal movement started here. At least, every family in the district today has some land or part of forest to live. The cost of labour too has increased,” claimed Ritesh. Ritesh argued that Naxals never target civilians until they try to harm the movement. “We issue several warnings, try to explain, approach the family and then take drastic step if a person is determined to harm us,” he said. Ritesh claimed the movement is still getting sound support at the ground level. “We admit being hit by some casualties in the last few years but we are toiling hard to strengthen the outfit. History has shown that the movement has experienced several highs and lows over the years,” he said.
‘No gender bias in party’
Ritesh argued that the government has been trying to tarnish the image of the movement by forcing surrendered Naxals to speak rot such as victimization of women cadres in the outfit. “There is no discrimination between men or women cadres in the party,” said Ritesh. Instead, he claimed that C-60 commandos, having forgotten their tribal past for government salary, had been torturing women from their community in the name of police action.
‘Naxals allowed to marry’
The Naxal top leader stated that his party is not against marriage but certainly opposes nuptial ties within certain relations which is barred by the local custom. “We prefer family planning operations as moving around in pregnant condition or with children in the forest becomes difficult,” he said. “Party allows forming family too,” he said.
‘Disgruntled cadres are surrendering’
The spurt in numbers of surrenders among Naxals was attributed to disgruntled cadres unwilling to follow rules of the party, said the south Gadchiroli Naxal leader. “Some of the cadres are surrendering in greed while others are turning away after failing to follow discipline,” he said.
‘NGOs have vested interests’
Ritesh lashed out at a section of NGOs working in Gadchiroli and some private initiatives in the Naxal dominated places. “Some NGOs are clearly working on the lines of government’s agenda and seem to be state sponsored. They have vested interests against Naxals who are fighting for the rights of the poor,” he said.
BSF jawan hurt in pressure bomb blast in Kanker
Raipur: A BSF jawan was injured when he accidentally stepped on a pressure bomb planted by naxals in Chhattisgarh’s Kanker district today, police said. The incident occurred between Sulangi and Siksod villages under Siksod police station limits this afternoon, Kanker DySP (Anti-Naxal operation) Jayant Vaishnav told PTI. On getting information that naxals had blocked Sulangi-Siksod Road by felling trees, a joint team of the Border Security Force and the district force was dispatched to the spot.
On March 28th 1980 Italian anti-terrorist commandos acting on information provided by the “penitent” snitch Patrizio Peci raid a safehouse of the Genoa column of the Red Brigades at the time itself in a life or death struggle with the revisionist PCI including the elimination of revisionist trade union boss and informer Guido Rossa. Four cadre of the BR are surprised and gunned down.
-Annamaria Ludmann (September 9 1947-March 28 1980):Above ground BR political worker from a wealthy background.
-Roberto Dura (September 12 1950-March 28 1980): Steel worker and formerly a member of Lotta Continua. Later becomes a member of the BR, serving on its Executive Committee.
-Lorenzo Betassa (March 30 1952-March 28 1980): Fiat worker and trade union activist who allegedly participated in many military actions of the BR.
-Piero Panciarelli (August 29 1955-March 28 1980): Lancia worker and BR militant from the mid 70s on who goes underground on May 9th 1978.
“”Life behind the walls of prison is not the same as the normal social life outside. This does not compare with one another. Although living in a single dwelling room and life in poverty, enjoying the free air with full freedom gives great strength to withstand all the social evils with great hopes for future. But within the prison walls , life in incarceration, no person, no human being could accept this life. It is a life of a destitute, stripped off all dignities and a life of no choice and despair- a slavery or servitude.
Every person who enters inside, if he fails to accept the fact that he is stripped off all that he owned, he would simply be crushed. That also, for a person like me who lived a life for revolution, fighting against the social oppressions and emancipation of mankind, presently imprisoned for the same and removed from that active life now, living amongst the people who live a simple life, spending months together with such simplest people, their simple expectations, the events that make them twist and squirm, their respect for me and my life outside for social change, their recognition of the same even when they are not in a position to struggle against the subduing modes, my struggle for their rights, long duration of prison life and some balanced relations with the prison official and wardens, thus trying to get accustomed to this prison life….. a sudden jolt on my face reminds me that “ this social system is intolerable, that the struggle between the haves and have nots, between the able and able not, against the oppressor and struggle alone is in the forefront of everyman and that this struggle is inevitable”. Every move of the jail authorities and the rustlings of the leaves of prison’s trees warn every now and then that “ You are not equal to the rulers and the bureaucrats. You are enslaved prisoners” ”. ——-Vivek, CPI(Maoist)
He is under trial for the last 3 years. He has been put up in Madurai prison after initially remanding in Cuddalore for an year. His case is under trial court and the trial is proceeding for the last two years at Periakulam about 80 Kms from Madurai. On 14/3/2015, Advocate Raja, visited Vivek in prison. After the discussion with the advocate at about 12.30 noon, in the presence of the jail officials, when Vivek was returning to his cell, the OCT team tried to behave in undignified manner to check his under wares. Vivek protested on this and did not heed to this procedure for check up. OCT special team, which has been put in the prison, to monitor the activity of him, shouted at him in foul languages for not heeding to the check up and Vivek contested this.
Suddenly the OCT with around 8-10 members swooped upon him from behind and attacked him with a terrible blow on his backhead and neck. Due to this sudden attack Vivek fell down on the ground and the OCT with booted legs kicked on his chest and booted on his face , on his cheek just below forehead for about five minutes. He was going unconscious and breath difficult. One officer in charge Narayanan who tried to resolve the situation was also pushed and thrown aside by this OCT. Three police personnel 1) Manikandan 2) Murugaperumal 3)Thyagarajan along with others were involved in this murderous assault and made vicious attempt to kill at broadday light, co-jail inmates standing nearby. Immediately after the assault he had difficulty to breathe. Had heaviness in chest. Suffocation, injuries in back head and spine, excruciating pain at spine just below head, heavy pain at shoulder, swollen face..
This brutal attack on him shook the prison in mates who witnessed this as that was interview time on saturday. They were totally shaken by fear and stood aghast as this righteous person himself was being assaulted before them. Vivek was then taken to the prison hospital and he went on hungerfast protesting against this brutal attack on him and similar assault on other inmates. His cell mates and other prison mates around 100, went on solidarity hunger fast on Sunday.
His sugar level was oscillating between 52-56 and he was put on drips from the second day. Vivek continued his fast till Tuesday and after the DIG prisons visited him and gave assurance on Tuesday evening 4.30 pm, he withdrew the hungerfast as his health deteriorated and sugar level was also going below 56. The next day 18/3/2015, when Vivek attended the trial court, he gave the details of the assault in writing. The court judge was only a police personnel in judicial robe, he contended. Even though Vivek did not believe any action would come forth, still to record the events and bringforth the prevailing conditions as whole, he was just filing the petition. The trial court judge did not respond and just admitted the papers with vampire expressions.
Two Maoists killed in encounter with security forces in Jharkhand
Latehar: Two Maoists were shot dead and a woman rebel suffered injuries during an encounter with the security forces in Latehar district on Saturday, police said. The woman Naxalite was arrested and admitted to a hospital, Superintendent of Police Ajay Linda said.
The bodies of the two dead rebels were recovered from the spot, he said. The SP claimed that bullets hit at least 10 others Maoists, who managed to escape, during the encounter that began around 2 am and lasted till around 4 am near the jungles, about eight km from Latehar Sadar police station. The encounter comes close on the heels of the killing of three members of a family in the neighbouring Lohardaga district on March 21.
Five Naxalites arrested in Telangana
Five Naxalites [Left Wing Extremists (LWEs)] belonging to the Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist-Janashakti (CPI-ML-Janashakti), identified as Vempati Kumar alias Ganganna, Edulakanti Linga Reddy alias Shyam Prasad Reddy, Jangalam Shankar, Chandupatla Suresh alias Suri and Akkula Raju, were arrested by the Machareddy Police in Nizamabad District on March 27, reports The Hindu.
Superintendent of Police (SP) S. Chandrashekar Reddy said that on a tip-off that the Naxalites were assembling in Ratnagiri forest, Sub-Inspector of Police G. Naresh and his team of constables rushed to the spot. On seeing them, the Naxalites took to their heels.However, the Police managed to arrest them after some resistance. The Police also recovered two tapanchas, one country made revolver and one country made pistol, 50 detonators, 16 rounds of bullets, revolutionary literature, threat letters and diaries from them.
Overcoming innumerable obstacles and snatching initiative, PLGA fighters and urban action team combatants led by the Western Ghats Special Zonal Committee (WGSZC) of the CPI (Maoist) have opened up a new warfront in the State of Keralam, situated along the South Western coast of India. Their armed propaganda actions targetting the state, corporate and local exploiters, have broken the viel of lies and counterpropaganda of the reactionaries and revisionists and forcefully brought out the politics and rational of the people’s war. Some of these actions were done in broad day light through bold and rapid moves in urban centres, stunning the enemy and enthusing the people. The necessity of taking up arms and advancing the revolutionary war as the true means to seize and secure the rights of the adivasis and other masses over the ‘Land, water and forests’ has been widely propagated through these actions.
This has attracted wide attention among the oppressed masses, particularly the youth. These actions were carried out as part of a Politico-Military Campaign (PMC) carried out over a three month period, from November 2014 till January 2015. The aim of the campaign was to prepare the masses for the revolutionary war, defeat the initiative and aggressiveness of the enemy armed forces and advance the revolutionary movement. In the course of this campaign fighters of the PLGA engaged a section of the Thunderbolts in a firefight and successfully retreated without loss or injury, while throwing the adversary into panicked flight. It is notable that the Thunderbolts are a highly trained and heavily armed force specifically raised by the government of Keralam to suppress the Maoist led armed struggle.
The successful completion of the PMC marks a qualitative turn in the expansion of the people’s war led by the CPI (Maoist) in the country as well as an overcoming of the stagnation faced in the armed struggle initiated in the Western Ghats more than a decade ago in the Malnad region of Karnataka. Facing heavy repression, the party lost 16 of its valiant leaders and fighters, including comrades Saketh Rajan and Rajamouli (Secretaries of Karnataka State Committee) during this period, while striving to sink firm roots and advance the new democratic revolution by rallying the masses. Meanwhile, efforts to initiate the armed struggle in Tamil Nadu and Keralam too failed to get off, suffering grievous losses of comrades who were martyred in enemy attacks.
Reviewing these experiences the party decided to pool all its capacities in the three Southern States and formed the WGSZC. This committee resolved to concentrate its major force at the Trijunction (TJ) of the three States in the Sahyadri mountain range (Western Ghats), while continuing work in Malnad. Accordingly, plans and preparations were made to deploy. The deployment from Malnad to the TJ which began in May 2012 was completed successfully in May 2013 after overcoming many hurdles and enemy encirclement and suppression campaigns. Another beloved comrade and heroic guerilla comrade Yellappa was lost in one attack by the enemy. After reaching the TJ, the interlinking of all squad areas was further delayed due to inclement weather.
It could be completed only by the end of 2013. Soon after the PLGA squads reached the northern tip of TJ in Keralam in February 2013, their presence was exposed. The enemy launched a big military and propaganda offensive. They were aided in this dirty work by turncoats (aptly named ‘exalites’ by the late poet Kunjunnimash, in a play on the ‘naxalite’ tag given to Maoists) who have since long deserted the revolutionary movement. While the enemy spread ‘terror’ stories, the ‘exalites’ complemented them with pontifications on the “improbability of a Maoist led armed struggle in ‘advanced’ Keralam”.
Large scale combing and deployment of forces was done by the Kerala government. Simultaneous combing by Kerala Karnataka Tamil Nadu forces was done in TJ area forests spanning the three States. These developments created some hurdles in carrying out the deployment plans and movement of the PLGA squads. However, it also brought about a new political atmosphere in Kerala. The Maoist movement, particularly the people’s war, became a central topic of discussion, keenly followed by the revolutionary masses. Defeating the moves of the enemy and the anti-propaganda of the turncoats, the party and PLGA were able to counter the enemy offensive politically, successfully complete military tasks and sustain work in the Trijunction.
The PLGA squads went to the toiling masses, practically witnessed the pathetic living conditions of the adivasis, propagated revolutionary politics and necessity of armed struggle and studied the socio-economic condition to some extent. They were shocked to see the utter poverty and backwardness of the adivasi masses in Keralam, which the ruling classes and their trumpeter media boast as the most developed State in the country in terms of human development index.
The assessment of the WGSZC was proved to be correct on the objective condition in TJ and the response from the toiling masses. Both are very conducive to build revolutionary movement, wage armed struggle and build revolutionary army. The enemy’s slanderous propaganda against the revolutionaries really helped them in a sense — the squads were not strangers to the people when they went to their villages as the enemy had already informed them about the Maoists! Relying on the masses, the squads successfully established themselves in the designated areas, built up their networks, carried out reconnaissance and prepared for action against the enemy. The successful preparation and carrying out of the PMC was the outcome of this solid work, carried out in exhaustingly difficult terrain full of steep inclines and braving inhospitable conditions.
During this period one more comrade, Sinoj, was martyred. The area selected by the WGSZC as its main zone of work was, historically, mostly inhabited by fifty odd adivasi tribes engaged in agriculture and herding. Many of them like Paniyar, Adiyer, Kattunayakkas, Kurichyar, Todar, Kotha, Irular, Kurumbas, Sholigar, Jenu Kurubas, Betta Kurubas, and many others are living there for centuries. Being original inhabitants of the forests they enjoyed free use of its land and resources. Many of them were either huntergatherer or practised shifting cultivation. Some were pastoral. The feudal kings/British colonialists/nontribal people from plains invaded this territory, grabbed the land of the adivasis, overturned their tribal way of life and brought them under their rule.
In Wayanad (Keralam), taking its name from ‘Vayal nadu’ (land of paddy fields), they were expelled from their habitats by British colonialism in the process of establishing plantations. A large section among them were forced into bonded labour in the plantations along with dalits brought from other parts of the southern peninsula. Under colonial forest rules and regulations the adivasis were denied rights in the forests. Similarly, in Attappady (Keralam), the indigenous Kurumbar, Mudugar and Irular were reduced to wage labourers, some working for the ganja mafia, due to alienation of lands and restrictions enforced by the forest department. In Nilgiri Tamil Nadu), the Todar, Kotha, Irular, Kurumbar were the original inhabitants.
British colonialists occupied there lands in 19th century to set up military establishments, plantations and summer residences. The tribal communities became labourers in their own land. Nagarahole (Karnataka) was the land of Jenu Kurubas and Betta Kurubas for centuries. By the end of 19th century the British colonialists brought this area under their ownership forcibly evicting the indigenous communities for timber logging. The colonialists enforced many restrictions on the movement of adivasis and banned them from shifting cultivation, collection of forest produce and hunting for their livelihood. After the British, the Indian rulers followed the same policy. A large part of adivasi land has been alienated from them. Acts were adopted to restore these lands, but they remain unimplemented.
Due to the encroachment of their traditional lands, oppression and exploitation by the nontribal exploiters, and eviction from their traditional habitat by the state authorities in the name of various projects, National parks, Wildlife Sanctuaries, Reserve Forests and other Protected Areas (PA), the adivasis in all three States are living in miserable conditions. The tribal people not only lost the land and the sources of their livelihood but also their rights, their dignity and their way of life. Today they work as wage labourers in the estates and in lands owned by nontribals. More than 80 per cent adivasis are landless labourers, 35 per cent are poor peasants having less than two acres. The share of income from cultivation is less than 20 per cent of the total income. More than 70 per cent comes from wage labour and nearly 10 per cent from minor forest produce collection. Even in a State like Keralam, comparatively enjoying better health facilities, death of new born among adivasis is a distressingly regular affair.
On an average 40 to 50 adivasis, mainly women, are murdered in Attapadi alone every year. Their young are forced to work in far off places as household helps. The women are often made a target of sexual depredation. In the Kodagu region, adivasis and dalit landless continue to labour under bondage to feudal landlords.Though an Act has been recently adopted to grant land rights to forest dwellers, its implementation is nominal. Apart from adivasis, dalits are the other major community working in large numbers as labourers. Their condition is not better than that of adivasis. The whole TJ area has a large rural proletariat, agricultural workers and plantation workers. Plantation workers mainly work in big and medium plantations owned by comprador bureaucrat capitalists or the government.
Globalization policies has seriously affected both sections. In plantations, job security was badly affected. Casualisation — the tendency of engaging workers on temporary, badali and contract terms is increasing drastically. Work load has also increased manifold while real wages have decreased. Their housing and other basic amenities remain the same as it was several decades earlier. Agricultural workers, mainly engaged in the small and medium holdings owned by rich and medium peasants, are becoming more and more unemployed or underemployed. The real wage rate is also going down due to continuous inflation. The peasantry consists of three types in the whole area the landless and poor peasants, middle peasants and rich peasants. More and more poor and middle peasants are falling into debt trap; thousands have already committed suicide. The Sahyadri, particularly in Keralam, was also host to large scale inmigration of peasants. This has changed the demography of the whole TJ area.The adivasis were reduced to a minority.
Over 80 per cent of the migrant peasants are poor and middle peasants. They worked hard to transform the hills and forest into fertile land in an unfamiliar territory and hard living condition. Today, their population is over a million. They are mainly engaged in cultivation of commercial crops such as coffee, tea, cardamom, rubber, pepper, banana, fruits and vegetables etc..They are often forced into distress sale of products since their economic conditions prevent them from holding on for better prices. They are squeezed dry by atrocious terms imposed by private and public creditors. Moreover, the prices of these commodities keep swinging wildly since they are ultimately governed by global markets. A series of free trade treaties signed by the Indian government in the past few decades have made matters worse. As a result of all such factors, all sections of the people living in this region – adivasis, dalits, plantation workers, agricultural workers and peasants – face heavy exploitation and oppression at the hands of the state machinery and various exploiters. Thus, there is every reason for the masses to be joyful over the successful deployment and activities of the PLGA in their surroundings.
The Sahyadri range, all the way from its northern end in Gujarat and Maharashtra till its southern tip in Keralam, has been the site of many a popular struggle, both armed and unarmed. In particular, one area of operation of the PLGA in Keralam at present, North Wayanad, has the proud history of fierce resistance to British colonialism during the late 18th and early 19th century. The Kurichya adivasis were major participants in these struggles. Coming closer to the present period, Wayanad was one of the main areas of revolutionary struggles in Keralam inspired by the armed peasant rebellion of Naxalbari. It is also the only district where revolutionary activities have surged ahead again and again overcoming either setbacks due to repression or deviations. Here special mention must be made of comrade Verghese, martyred in 1970, who played a leading role in organising the adivasi bonded peasants against feudal exploitation and went on to lead them in the armed struggle for the seizure of political power.
His memory continues to inspire the oppressed masses throughout Keralam. Keralam has a long history of communist activity and valiant armed struggles led by the communists. When the CPI leadership deviated into revisionism, rank and file comrades in different parts of the State started seeking a way forward. They were attracted to the fierce ideological struggle being waged against Khrushchev revisionism under the leadership of Mao Tsetung. The peals of spring thunder from Naxalbari thus resounded in favourable conditions, and hundreds rallied to the path of protracted people’s war.
Ever since then Maoist led revolutionary activities has been a regular feature of the political scene. A number of heroic armed actions were carried out successfully. Many militant mass struggles were organised. At different periods, youth and students came forward in large numbers to join the revolutionary movement and serve the people. Yet all these efforts did not lead to building a sustained and developing Maoist movement. All throughout these decades, the revolutionary movement was repeatedly derailed by wrong tendencies and rightist deviations.
This was ruptured with in the early 1990s. On the one hand, a section of comrades rebelled against the revisionist line of K. Venu, rejected the theses that conditions in Keralam are not conducive for people’s war and went forward. This initiative would be one of the components forming the Maoist Unity Centre, CPI (ML), along with comrades in Maharashtra, and then later, the CPI (ML) NAXALBARI, uniting with revolutionaries led by the late comrade SA Rawoof. A group of comrades, who had formed a new centre, rebelling against CPI(ML) Jana Shakthi rightist leadership, later merged with this. Meanwhile, sections who were disgusted with the right opportunism of the various ML parties present in Keralam rebelled and joined the CPI (ML) People’s War in the early 1990s, which later merged with the Maoist Communist Centre, India in 2004 to form the CPI (Maoist). They too set out to rubbish the revisionist theses of Keralam’s exclusivity. Both of these initiatives had been working independently towards initiating armed struggle.
Now, following the merger of the CPI (Maoist) and the CPI (ML) NAXALBARI, they have become one. This has played an important role in the successful opening of a new front of the people’s war in Keralam. For the people of Keralam, this is a decisive step towards realising the revolutionary road long blockaded by revisionism. For the Maoist movement in India as a whole, it is the promise of firmly repudiating opportunist theses that deny the validity of the new democratic revolution and the people’s war in regions that are relatively advanced. As such, it is already a rebuttal, in deeds, of the Indian state’s claim to have isolated and restricted the revolutionary movement to Central and Eastern India.
2 CRPF personnel injured in bomb blasts triggered by Naxals
Two CRPF personnel were on Friday injured in separate pressure bomb blasts triggered by Naxals in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, police said. The blasts occurred at separate spots near Fundri village when the paramilitary personnel were conducting anti-Naxal operations under Bhairamgarh police station limits, Bijapur Additional Superintendent of Police Indira Kalyan Elesela said.
The security personnel accidentally came in contact with pressure bombs planted by the Maoists in Fundri hills area that exploded, injuring sub-inspector B B Rai and constable Ravi Hari Patil belonging to 199th battalion of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), he said. Reinforcement was rushed to both the places and the injured personnel were brought to Bijapur district hospital. Later, they were airlifted to Raipur for treatment, he said. A combing operation was underway in the region to nab the culprits, he added.
Jharkhand seeks more fund to modernize police force
Jharkhand Chief Minister Raghubar Das today sought more funds from the Centre to modernise the police force in the Naxal-affected state. Taking part in the first meeting of the sub-group of Chief Ministers of Niti Ayog, Das also said that for centrally-sponsored schemes, states should be given the right to take decisions based on local needs and circumstances. “In a state which is affected by extremism, it is very essential to modernize the police force. For this, we should get special assistance from the Centre,” Das said.
Maoists kill two in W Singhbhum
In a shocking naxal-sponsored violence, Maoists killed two youths at a village under Sonua police station area in West Singhbhum late on Wednesday night and injured three persons at Shyamsunderpur in Ghatshila sub-division of East Singhbhum district at the wee hours of Thursday. Those killed in Sonua were identified as Lakhan Bala and Jaimati Borja both residents of Gurdri village and supporters of outlawed PLFI. Sources informed that two supporters of ultra outfit People`s Liberation Front of India (PLFI) were shot dead by CPI (Maoists). West Singhbhum district superintendent of police Michael Raj said that the incident of twin murder took place last night, and the police was informed about the murder today morning.
“As we received the information we sent separate teams of police and paramilitary forces to the spot. As the place of occurrence is located in densely jungle, we expect more inputs related to the murder,” said the SP. Michael said that the rebels had come in different groups of armed rebels and took both Lakhan and Jaimati from their house. They shot dead them and disappeared in dark. The sources said the twin killings have been committed due to extortion of levy from saw-mill owners.
College Katta to Golden Corridor: The story of ‘Maoist’ couple arrested in Pune last year
In Chandrapur, people remember Arun Bhanudas Bhelke (38) and Kanchan Nanaware (31) as influential youth leaders of the Deshbhakti Yuva Manch (DYM), which was later branded as a “front organisation” of the Maoists. Arrested in Pune by the Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS) in September 2014, the “Maoist” couple is now lodged in Yerawada jail. The ATS recently filed a chargesheet against them in Shivajinagar court. Background According to the ATS, both Arun and Kanchan are graduates.
Arun’s family lives in a small house in Ambedkar Ward, Ballarsha, in Chandrapur district. His father teaches in a private school, while brother Ajay is an autorickshaw driver and another brother Abhay is a masonry worker. Speaking to The Indian Express, Ajay Bhelke said: “Arun had been fond of singing, oratory since childhood. He did social work, raised voice against injustice through DYM. It is hard to believe he became a Maoist. He left home a few years ago for working in Mumbai, but never returned. He did not contact us. We got to know about his arrest from the media. We did not go to Pune as it needs a lot of money to travel.” Kanchan’s family resides in a plush house in Sarkar Nagar in Chandrapur.
Her father held a senior position in a bank. A family member said she used to remain disturbed as she was suffering from a heart disease. “But she became active after joining DYM during college days. Freedom fighter Bhagat Singh was her ideal… She left home for her movement. We do not maintain any contact with her now. We only focus on the future of her siblings.” A college teacher who knew her said: “Kanchan has a strong willpower and revolutionary thoughts. I still remember her speech in which she said she might not live long because of her illness, but her remaining life is dedicated to the movement.”
Police said Arun allegedly got attracted to Maoist ideology at a young age. He became the president of DYM later. Besides cultural activities and agitations, Arun started the College Katta magazine in 2003, with a tag line, “College kattyavarun krantikade (from college campus to revolution)”. Arun networked with many college students and teachers to write for the magazine sold for Rs 5 per copy.
Odisha cops delaying trial, says top Maoist’s mother
The mother of Donna Keshav Rao alias ‘Azad’, the dreaded Maoist accused in the killing of Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati which triggered off a vicious anti-Christian riots in Odisha’s Kandhamal district in 2008, today made a fervent plea for expediting the trial of her son and others, who are on a fast-unto-death inside the Jharpada jail here. Azad’s mother in front of the Jharpada jail in Bhubaneswar on Friday (Pic: Biswaranjan Mishra)To D Kamaluma, Azad’s mother, circulated a memorandum written by her son and other fellow inmates accusing the state police of deliberately delaying the trial in an effort to keep them inside jail despite a High Court ruling asking for expeditious trial.
“We are not being produced in the court on the plea of security, investigating officers are not appearing in court despite repeated summons and witnesses in the case are not being produced in court – all with the intention of delaying the trial,” the memorandum signed by Azad and six others said. It may be noted that seven hardcore Maoists, including the Azad, are on a fast unto death demanding speedy disposal of their cases since Monday last. Azad, an accused in the VHP leader murder case, had surrendered before Andhra Pradesh Director General of Police (DGP) K Aravinda Rao on May 18, 2011. He carried a reward of Rs 10 lakh on his head at that time. Keshav Rao, who worked as Special Zonal Committee member for Andhra-Orissa Border (AOB), played a major role in the kidnap of an IAS officer in the state. While in AOB, he was also allegedly involved in the attacks on several police stations and killing of police personnel.
…In the other incident, two men attacked three employees of Shivam Road and Infrastructure Pvt Ltd at Machadiha in Ghatshila in East Singhbhum District in the wee hours of March 26, reports The Telegraph. The armed men, who came on a tractor around 1.30am, first fired at Bapi (27), a driver posted at the camp-office. Then, the duo barged into the camp and shot at Anjani Ilu (37), the manager of the company, and attacked Mukesh Kumar (40), a supervisor, with an iron rod. While Bapi sustained the injury in his left arm, Ilu took the bullet in his chest. Mukesh sustained serious head injuries…
..Meanwhile, the State cabinet on March 24 recommended a steep hike in compensation to Maoists who will surrender in Jharkhand, reports The Times of India. Members of CPI-Maoist politburo, special area committee and regional bureau would now get a whopping INR 2.5 million when they surrender, INR 1.3 million more than the Rs 1.2 million that the cabinet had recommended last week. The cabinet revised compensation for CPI-Maoist regional committee members for surrender as well. Earlier, it had recommended INR 700,000 for regional committee member, now they will get INR 1.5 million. Zonal committee members would now get INR 1 million while members of sub-zonal committee will get INR 500,000, cabinet secretary N N Pandey announced on March 24…
Demonstration in Turin against isolation conditions for Marco Mazzasalma, Roberto Morandi and Nadia Lioce imprisoned for the 2002 execution of labor market reform advisor Marco Biagi claimed by the BR.
Via Riscossa Proletaria per il Comunismo
Como no podía ser de otra manera, el proletariado y pueblo del Ecuador han plegado a la campaña internacional en demanda a la libertad de Igor Méndes y demás presos políticos en Brasil. En una sostenida campaña que tuvo tres componentes en tiempo-acción, se realizaron un sinnúmero de pintas y la pega-entrega de miles de hojas volantes y afiches en distintas ciudades del país. Es importante resaltar que en esta campaña participaron de manera activa el Frente Femenino Popular, las organizaciones de estudiantes de la Universidad Técnica de Ibarra y de la Universidad Central en Quito, así como la importante participación de la Brigada “Cleomar Rodrígues de Almeida” que se sumó a esta tarea internacionalista.
Le necesidad de difundir a los pueblos del mundo la falsa ilusión constitucionalista sobre la que se apoya la reformista Dilma Rousseff y la cruenta campaña que viene desplegando no solo contra jóvenes estudiantes que se manifiestan en contra del camino burocrático y la expresiones fascistas del régimen, sino también en contra de la sevicia con la que está obrando el gobierno y el estado persiguiendo, encarcelando y asesinando a los campesinos pobres del Brasil. Manifestamos la firme decisión del proletariado y pueblo del Ecuador de mantenerse en permanente alerta y combate al protervo régimen de Dilma Rousseff quién coludido con el imperialismo y con los regímenes títeres que mimetizados en el falso discurso revolucionario llevan adelante reestructuraciones de los viejos estados para evolucionar las formas de explotación y sometimiento a las masas trabajadoras y oprimidas.
EL PROLETARIADO Y PUEBLO DEL ECUADOR DEMANDA LA INMEDIATA LIBERACIÓN DE LOS PRESOS POLÍTICOS EN BRASIL.
The massive victory of the Aam Admi Party (AAP) in the Delhi elections has brought a curious mix of readings and reactions. While observers note how its success was secured by a huge swell of support from the city’s poor, AAP leaders insist on their ‘all class’ appeal. If at all a class angle is admitted, they hasten to clarify that it is free from ‘class struggle’. The ‘common man’ (aam admi) increasingly takes on the avatar of the savarna middle class in its leaders post election discourse as they dream of positioning it as THE future all India party of the centre. Its concerns are middle class. Its responses and solutions are middle class. Yet it is now tasked with administering a part of the Indian state, which definitely is not middle class.
The wisdom of becoming realistic will in due course stifle the romanticism of that conveniently vague sense of justice belonging to its core, class, constituency and replace it with the hard headed logic of serving the powers that be; the poor be dammed. Secrets coming out from squabbles among its leaders indicate that this won’t be long in coming. This is not the first time this was seen. It certainly won’t be the last either. Even then, AAP’s victory should be taken note of for several reasons. The drubbing given to the BJP has, in its severity, given a new breath to the opposition, both outside and inside that party. Among them, the internal one demands keen notice. We will be seeing the contention of Modi, now ‘secular’, with what is being cleverly posed as fringe elements of the fascist Parivar. Thus, with a lead butcher of minorities himself anointed the protector of ‘secularism’, the terms of discourse itself is being shifted dangerously closer to the Sangh’s core theme of Brahmanic fascism.
AAP’s victory is notable in the total absence of any such awareness among the parliamentary parties, jubilant over the BJP’s defeat and the victory of their version of ‘secularism’. The AAP in fact lends itself to the furthering of the Parivar’s overall designs when it gloats over its apparent success in smothering all dalit, minority, gender dialogues with a single voice, that of a ‘citizenry’. The distance from here to the unifacial Hindu the Parivar seeks to impose is not very far. The AAP is posed and seen by some as alternative politics. Not in the sense of being opposed to the existing parliamentary paradigm, but as a different way of working it out, and thus, as an alternate to revolutionary Maoist politics. It is, at times, characterised as an example of a new type of movement emerging all over the world that is not bent on overthrowing capitalism, but rather seeks to expand its space, to force it to be more inclusive and live up to its foundational promises of ‘equality, fraternity and justice’.
Conveniently forgotten in this idealisation is a minor fact of history — the struggle to realise equality and justice, even on the terms of the capitalist system, extends all the way back to its origins. Universal suffrage, that most hailed attribute of the parliamentary system, is itself a product of such struggle. The space of capitalism has been continuously widened. One may expect even more, even while that space is structured, increasingly, by an all pervasive fascisisation of state and society, now legitimised as necessary to safeguard the ‘freedoms’ of capitalism.
However, despite all those struggles, despite the partial gains achieved over centuries, we live in a world where the richest 1 per cent own 48 per cent of the world’s wealth and 80 per cent have to do with just 5.5; not to speak of the indignity of living out lives under multiple relations of oppression and discrimination. Can we settle for less, when these horrors demand nothing less than a thoroughgoing revolution? Indeed, why settle for less?
People’s March Jan-March 2015