People’s War in India Clippings 20/11/2014

Baster 4

Top CPI-Maoist leader Narayan Sanyal out on bail

Sanyal (81), came out of the Hazaribagh jail in Jharkhand on Thursday after a district court in Telangana executed his bail.

A district court in Telangana has executed bail to Narayan Sanyal (81), former Polit Bureau and Central Committee member of the outlawed Communist Party of India – Maoist (CPI-Maoist), on Thursday. It was the last of half a dozen cases registered against Mr. Sanyal in which the senior Marxist-Leninist leader was awaiting “an execution of the bail bond,” members of his support group told The Hindu. Mr Sanyal, escorted by his sisters, came out of the Hazaribagh jail in Jharkhand on Thursday.

Due to some procedural lapses, the Khammam court was not executing the bail in a case in which Mr Sanyal was granted bail earlier. Finally, the Telangana High Court asked the Khammam court to execute the bail and thus, he was released on bail on Thursday. The Supreme Court had granted bail in other cases over the years. A top Maoist think-tank and leader of the Communist movement in Bengal, Narayan Sanyal joined Communist Party of India – Marxist-Leninist (CPI-ML) in the ‘60s. He left his job in a bank in Kolkata to join the Charu Majumdar-Kanu Sanyal led movement. After a split in CPI-ML in the ‘70s, when Bihar’s leader Satyanarain Singh revolted against the ML leadership, Mr Sanyal was sent to Bihar to replace him.

Later he was arrested and sent to Kolkata. Mr Sanyal remained in jail till Left Front came to power and granted a general amnesty to many of the leaders associated with the ML movement in the State. But soon after his release – quite 40 years ago – Mr. Sanyal went to Bihar started working with CPI-ML – Party Unity (PU), which was an union of ML leaders in Bihar and Bengal. He worked hard in the villages of Bihar to strengthen Party Unity at the grassroots and later merged with People’s War Group (PWG) to form the CPI-Maoist. While Mr Sanyal was not active in Chattisgarh, he was asked by the party to focus on developing study material for the children and schools for adolescents.

He was arrested almost a decade back in Chattisgarh and kept in various jails of central India. “Known for his mental agility and thick moustache, we often used to refer him as ‘Stalin,”’ said one of his old but jubilant party comrades in Kolkata, who now works as a publisher. Many of his old comrades in Kolkata are keen to meet him after nearly half a century as he reaches the city.

Two Maoists arrested in Chhattisgarh

A Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadre, identified as Lakhmu Jurri (30), was arrested from Jharawahi forests under Kurusnar Police Station limits of Bryant area in Narayanpur District, on November 19 reports The Economic Times. Lakhmu, the head of Jharawahi Jantana Sarkar (people’s government), was active in CPI-Maoist since 2004-05.

Meanwhile, a joint squad of Kanker District Force and Border Security Force (BSF) personnel arrested a Maoist, identified as Raje, from Siksoda Police Station limits during a search operation in Kanker District on November 19, reports The Economic times.

BSF troopers diffuse landmines in Odisha

The Border Security Force (BSF) personnel on November 18 diffused two landmines along the Boipariguda-Malkangiri road in Koraput District, reports “The Maoists had planted the two powerful landmines, weighing around 10 kg each to target the BSF personnel,” said Boipariguda Inspector in Charge (IIC) Ashok Mohapatra.

Armed Struggle in Bangladesh 2014



January 28: Khulna District

SFs killed Touhidul Islam Sabuj (28), the ‘second-in-command’ of PBCP, in an exchange of fire in Phultala sub-District of Khulna District.

February 2: Jhenaidah District
Police arrested a cadre, identified as Ainal Mandal of PBCP-Janajuddha with a shutter gun at Baidanga village in Jhenaidah District.

February 13: Madaripur District
Rivals killed outlawed PBSP leader, identified as Shamim Khan alias Picchi Shamim (32) in Shibchar sub-District of the Madaripur District. Police said that Shamim was accused in several cases.

February 16: Bagerhat District
Bagerhat District Court sentenced four cadres of the outlawed PBCP to death for killing a Policeman, Harun-ur-Rashid on January 27, 2004. The convicts are Shamim Sheikh, Anwar Sheikh, Rony Sardar and Habi Molla. However, they were tried in absentia. District and Sessions Judge SM Solaiman handed down the verdict.

February 19: Faridpur District
A cadre of the PBSP, identified as Kiran Bepari (29), was killed in an encounter with Police at Bagmara village in Faridpur District.

March 5: Chuadanga District
A ‘regional commander’ of outlawed PBCP identified as Abul Kashem was killed in a ‘shootout’ with Police in Damurhuda sub-District of Chuadanga District. Three Policemen sustained splinter injuries as the PBCP cadres hurled crude bombs targeting Police during the gunfight.

March 24: Narail District

A ‘regional commander’ of PBCP-Janajuddha along with his three associates was arrested from Agdia marshland area in Narail District. The arrestees are identified as Khulna division ‘regional commander’ Gias (33) and his associates Jahid (28), Sohel (22) and Razu (25).

March 31: Meherpur District
DB of Police arrested Hafizul Islam Sabuj alias Sagu Sabuj (40), a ‘regional leader’ of PBCP-Janajuddho and accused in 15 cases including one for murder in Stadiumpara area of Meherpur District. The Police also recovered a pistol and two bullets from his possession.

May 8: Chaudanga District
Police arrested a leader of PBCP, Mizanur Rahman alias Mizan from Sultanpur village in Damurhuda sub-District of Chaudanga District.

May 25:Pabna District
Police arrested a PBCP-Red Flag faction operative, identified as Mohammad Alam from Kacharipara area of Pabna District. “Alam is accused in 14 cases including nine for murders. He was one of the most wanted criminals in the district”, according to Police.

May 27: Satkhira District
A ‘regional commander’ of PBCP-ML identified as Abdul Gaffar Par was killed and his associate injured in a shootout with Police in Tala upazila of Satkhira District. The injured, Saiful Islam, 42, was the prime accused in a case filed in connection with the murder of SM Alauddin, editor of the Daily Patradut.

May 29:Pabna District
Hamidur Rahman alias Hamidur, ‘second-in-command’ of Sarbahara Party was killed and two RAB officials were injured in a gunfight between RAB and outlaws in Ishwardi sub-district of Pabna District. One pistol and two bullets were also recovered by RAB team.

May 29:Meherpur District
Police recovered the body of an underground operative of outlawed PBCP-Janajuddho faction from Gopalnagar village in Gangni sub-district of Meherpur District. The dead is identified as Ashraful Islam. Ashraful was accused in four cases, including two for murder, filed with the Police Station, the OC said, adding that he might have been killed by his rival party man.

June 4: Kushtia and Chuadanga Districts
Police sources revealed that the operatives of outlawed PBCP-Janajuddho and GMF are trying to regroup in Kushtia and Chuadanga Districts. Police conducted drives in different areas of the two Districts on May 29-30 and arrested so far five cadres of the two banned outfits. Of them, three were arrested in Kushtia while the rest in Chuadanga.

June 11: Dhaka city

Police arrested ‘regional leader’ of PBCP-Red Flag identified as Mohammad Rashed Hossain from a house in Ashulia area of Savar in Dhaka city.

June 13: Sirajganj District
Extortionists in the name of PBCP-Janajuddha demanded huge amounts from several managers of Sonali Bank and Agrani Bank branches in Sirajganj District and warned of dire consequences to the bank managers and their families in case of failure to give the money.

June 25: Rajbari District
A youth identified as Abdu Razzak Mollah (35), was shot at and injured by cadres of PBCP at Surjunagar Bazaar in Rajbari District as he refused to give them toll earlier.

July 4: Khulna District
Litu Sarder (38), a regional leader of PBCP was killed in a shootout by Police at Shantinagar area of Thukra village in Khulna District. Two Police Constables Mosharraf Hossain and Ilias were also injured during the gunfight.

July 5: Satkhira District

Journalist Sheikh Abdus Sattar said that PBCP-Janajuddho faction threatened to kill 13 reporters for writing against its activities in Satkhira District.

July 12: Kotchandpur / Jhenidah District
Abdur Rashid (30), a cadre of PBCP-Janajuddha was killed in a gunfight with Police. An ASI and a Constable were injured during the gunfight. Police also recovered a pipe gun and three rounds of bullet from the spot.

July 12: Harinakunda / Jhenidah District

One cadre of PBCP-Janajuddha was killed in a gunfight. Two constables were injured during the incident. One LG gun, three rounds of bullet and six bombs were also recovered from the scene.

July 16: Jessore District

Siraj Akonji (40), a cadre of BCP was killed in a gunfight with his rivals at Subrara village in Abhoynagar sub-District of Jessore District Police also recovered one shooter gun and four bullet shells from the spot.

August 10: Tangail District

A ‘regional leader’ of PBCP-Red Flag faction, identified as Abdul Haque alias Haque Sab (45) was stabbed to death at a char village in Sadar sub-District of Tangail District.

August 12: Rajbari District

Police arrested a ‘regional leader’ of PBCP-Red Flag faction identified as Mobarak Hossain alias Bangla from Pangsha sub-District of Rajbari District. Police also recovered one shutter gun and two bullets from his possession.

August 21: Barisal District

A leader of the outlawed Sarbahara Party, Abdul Jalil alias Kana was killed at Shilundia Bazaar of Babuganj sub-District in Barisal District in a “shootout” with the RAB.

August 28: Chaudanga District

Police recovered the body of Tokon (40) a leader of PBCP-Jonajuddha from under a banyan tree at Botiya Para village of Chaudanga District. Police said Tokon was accused in several cases including murder and extortion cases.


From Bourgeois Democrats to Capitalist-Roaders-1976

Down with the leading capitalist roaders now in power within the party!

Down with the leading capitalist roaders now in power within the party!

THE great struggle initiated and led by our great leader Chairman Mao to beat back the Right deviationist wind to reverse previous correct verdicts is developing soundly in various spheres of the superstructure, including education, science and technology, and art and literature. The spearhead of the criticism is directed at the capitalist-roader inside the Party who refuses to mend his ways, the one who put forward the revisionist programme of “taking the three directives as the key link.” A continuation and deepening of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, this struggle is yet another major trial of strength on the political and ideological front between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between socialism and capitalism, and between Marxism and revisionism.

Through this struggle, the cadres and masses will certainly receive a profound lesson in Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and further raise their consciousness of class struggle and the struggle between the two lines. Through it our country’s socialist revolution and construction will certainly take a giant stride forward.

The deepening of the revolutionary mass debate has raised a number of thought-provoking questions: Why is it that some people who were revolutionaries in the period of the new-democratic revolution have become capitalist-roaders in the period of the socialist revolution? Why does the capitalist-reader who refuses to mend his ways deny the existence of classes, class contradictions and class struggle in socialist society, oppose taking class struggle as the key link and run counter to the basic line formulated by Chairman Mao for our Party?

We can find the class and ideological origins of the Right deviationist wind by using the Marxist method of class analysis and draw beneficial lessons accordingly.

At the Eighth Plenary Session of the Party’s Eighth Central Committee in 1959, Chairman Mae penetratingly pointed out that Right opportunist elements in the Party had never been proletarian revolutionaries. They were merely bourgeois or petty-bourgeois democrats who had found their way into the proletarian revolutionary ranks. Nor had they ever been Marxist-Leninists, but were fellow-travellers of the Party. The capitalist-roader in the Party who refuses to mend his ways is also one of this kind. When he and other such people joined the proletarian revolutionary ranks, they brought with them the ideology of bourgeois democracy. When they accepted to varying degrees the Party’s minimum programme, that is, the programme of the new-democratic revolution, they did not associate it with the Party’s maximum programme, that is, the winning of socialism and communism. They do not understand the Party’s maximum programme, nor are they prepared to work for its realization. In other words, their world outlook is not a proletarian communist world outlook but a bourgeois one.

Furthermore, this bourgeois stand and world outlook have not been remoulded in the course of protracted revolutionary struggles. When the revolution advanced from the stage of the new-democratic revolution to that of socialist revolution, their ideology failed to keep pace with the revolutionary advance. On the contrary, although they had physically entered socialist society, ideologically they were still in the stage of the democratic revolution. This determined their inevitable conflict with and even opposition to the socialist revolution. The bourgeois democratic stand and world outlook represent the bourgeoisie and are the class and ideological origins of the Right deviationist wind to reverse correct verdicts.

The new-democratic revolution and the socialist revolution led by the Chinese Communist Party are two revolutionary stages whose character, targets and tasks are essentially different. The former took place in the old China of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The principal contradiction it aimed to resolve was the contradiction between the masses of the people including, workers, peasants, the petty and national bourgeoise on one side and imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism on the other. Therefore, it was anti-imperialist and anti-feudal bourgeois democratic revolution in character. Its task was to strive under the leadership of the proletariat to overthrow the rule of imperialism, the feudal landlord class and the bureaucrat-comprador bourgeoisie in China, and to lead the revolution to socialism.

With the victory of the new-democratic revolution, the character and principal contradiction of the Chinese society changed. The contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie became the principal contradiction in our country. This contradiction not only exists in society at large but is also reflected in the Party. The socialist revolution we are carrying out is a revolution waged by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes. The spearhead of the revolution is directed mainly against the bourgeoisle and against Party persons in power taking the capitalist road. Its task is to replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the proletariat, use socialism to defeat capitalism, and through protracted class struggle gradually create conditions in which it will be impossible for the bourgeoisie to exist, or for a new bourgeoisie to arise, and finally eliminate classes and realize communism. The founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 marked the beginning of the socialist revolutionary stage.

If one’s ideology still remains at the old stage and views and treats the socialist revolution from the stand and world outlook of bourgeois democrats, one will become a representative of the bourgeoisie, a capitalist-roader and a target of the socialist revolution.

After the victory of the new-democratic revolution in China, the ideology of some people in the Party remained at the stage of the democratic revolution and they did not want to continue the revolution along the socialist road. Isn’t this true of the capitalist-roader in the Party who refuses to mend his ways? He and his followers are afraid that the socialist revolution will bring them under fire and will affect private ownership, bourgeois right which they cherish, the traditional ideas they want to uphold and their bourgeois class stand and world outlook. They therefore become representatives of the bourgeoisie. The deeper the socialist revolution goes, the sharper becomes the contradiction between them and the revolution and between them and the workers and poor and lower-middle peasants who persevere in continuing the revolution. As the socialist revolution moves forward, they fall back and oppose revolution.

It is precisely the capitalist-roader refusing to mend his ways who opposed agricultural co-operation and the people’s commune and supported “the fixing of farm output quotas for individual households with each on its own.” Later, he set himself up against the Great Cultural Revolution and suppressed the revolutionary mass movement, and now made every effort to reverse correct verdicts and restore capitalism.

Chairman Mao has pointed out: “Revisionism is one form of bourgeois ideology. The revisionists deny the differences between socialism and capitalism, between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. What they advocate is in fact not the socialist line but the capitalist line.” (Speech at the Chinese Communist Party’s National Conference on Propaganda Work.)

In terms of ideology and class origin, the bourgeois class stand and world outlook are in accord with revisionism. Opportunism, or revisionism, is a faction and school of thought in the workers’ movement which represents the interests of the bourgeoisie. Its special feature is betrayal of the fundamental interests of the proletariat and capitulation to the bourgeoisie. Revisionists invariably preach class conciliation, the dying out of class struggle and the theory of productive forces from a bourgeois class stand. They invariably use these revisionist fallacies to oppose the class struggle waged by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, and oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat.

From Bernstein and Kautsky to Trotsky and Bukharin, and from Khrushchov and Brezhnev to Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, all acted in this way. This is true also of the capitalist-roader who has refused to mend his ways. He put forward the revisionist programme of “taking the three directives as the key link” and advocated the theories of the dying out of class struggle and of productive forces to counter the theories of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought on class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. He also used it to interfere with and undermine the movement to study the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the criticism of the novel Water Margin, both initiated and led by Chairman Mao. He also used it to push the revisionist line in various fields. The absurdities, which appeared last year in the educational, scientific and technological fields, in literature and art and other spheres in opposition to Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, the Great Cultural Revolution and the socialist new things, all stemmed from this revisionist programme. He whose ideology remains in the stage of the democratic revolution, denying the existence of classes, class contradictions and class struggle in the socialist period, is bound to practise revisionism.

Chairman Mao has said: “Stability and unity do not mean writing off class struggle; class struggle is the key link and everything else hinges on it.” This is a penetrating criticism of the revisionist programme of “taking the three directives as the key link.” We have won great victories in socialist revolution in the past 20 years and more but class struggle has not died out. Members of the defeated class are still around, this class still exists and is still struggling and dreaming of a comeback; the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie still exist; large numbers of intellectuals who have not been thoroughly remoulded still exist; the force of habit and conventional influences of the small producers still exist and are still engendering the bourgeoisie and capitalism. Are these not facts known to everyone? Were people not greatly shocked at the subversive activities of the anti-Party cliques of Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, agents of the bourgeoisie inside the Party who attempted to overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore capitalism?

Isn’t the emergence of new bourgeois elements in the Party such as Lin Piao and his like a profound lesson to us? Under such circumstances, how can it be said that class struggle has died out? In putting forward ideas such as “taking the three directives as the key link” and talking of the dying out of class struggle and the theory of productive forces, people like the capitalist-roader in the Party who has refused to mend his ways do not really want to abolish class struggle. What they are really after is to extinguish the struggle waged by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and fight the proletariat on behalf of the bourgeoisie. They pretend to want stability and unity and to develop production; what they really want is to reject the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore capitalism. Their revisionist line is in fact detrimental to stability and unity and socialist production.

After the victory of the democratic revolution, the issue is whether to stop the revolution at the old stage and not going forward or to persist in making socialist revolution and strive for the goal of communism, that is, whether or not to persevere in making revolution against the bourgeoisie. Herein lies the fundamental difference between proletarian revolutionaries and bourgeois democrats and between Marxists and revisionists. The struggle between the two lines within the Party during the socialist period precisely centres on this issue.

Why does the capitalist-roader in the Party who refuses to mend his ways so resent the Great Cultural Revolution? Why does he regard the socialist new things which have emerged in the Great Cultural Revolution as a thorn in his flesh and something to be got rid of at all costs? Why is he so reluctant to part with the capitalist and revisionist trash which was repudiated in the Great Cultural Revolution, and is so eager to reinstate it? This is because, as Chairman Mao has said, “the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is in essence a great political revolution carried out under the conditions of socialism by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes.” This great revolution smashed the two bourgeois headquarters of Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, criticized their revisionist line, brought the capitalist-roaders in the Party under fire, made the bourgeoisie in the Party the target of the revolution, criticized the ideologies of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes, and transformed education, literature and art and other parts of the superstructure not in conformity with the socialist economic base. All these run counter to the bourgeois interests represented by the capitalist-roader in the Party who has refused to mend his ways and to the capitalist road he is so eager to take. Because of this, people like him have inevitably become opponents of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

The birthmarks of the old society remain in socialist society as is the case with bourgeois right and the three major differences between worker and peasant, between town and country and between manual and mental labour. These provide the soil and conditions for engendering the bourgeoisie and capitalism. The long-term task in the period of socialism is to restrict bourgeois right and gradually wipe out the vestiges of the old society. The deeper the socialist revolution goes, the more imperative it is for us to put forward this task and set about to accomplish it.

Chairman Mao has pointed out: “Our country at present practises a commodity system, the wage system is unequal, too, as in the eight-grade wage scale, and so forth. Under the dictatorship of the proletariat such things can only be restricted. Therefore, if people like Lin Piao come to power, it will be quite easy for them to rig up the capitalist system. That is why we should do more reading of Marxist-Leninist works.” This instruction of Chairman Mao’s reflects the desire and demands of the proletariat and the revolutionary people to push the socialist revolution forward. At the same time it arouses fear and opposition from people whose ideology still remains at the stage of the democratic revolution. They want to retain these fundamental aspects of bourgeois right. These people come out in opposition when the revolution hits them directly by moving to restrict those aspects of bourgeois right which they wish to uphold. Why does this capitalist-roader who refuses to mend his ways hate the socialist new things which restrict bourgeois right in various fields? Why does he censure in every way the criticism of material incentives and of regarding knowledge as private property and other ideas arising from bourgeois right? Why is he so afraid of raising the question of restricting bourgeois right and why is he dead against it? It is because he represents the bourgeoisie and wants to safeguard and strengthen bourgeois right and safeguard and expand the basis on which the bourgeoisie is engendered and survives.

Resentment of and opposition to the socialist revolution stemming from ideology which remains at the stage of the democratic revolution—this is a historical phenomenon which has repeatedly appeared in the Party over the past 20 years and more. For example, our Party in 1953 decided to carry out the policy of planned purchase and marketing, an important step in undertaking socialist revolution and construction. At that time, there were people in the Party who leapt out in firm opposition. They were Communists in name, but spoke out for the urban and rural capitalist forces against the socialist revolution. In the period when agricultural co-operatives were being developed, Liu Shao-chi and his like disbanded large numbers of co-operatives and attacked the movement. What they planned and did was contrary to the wishes and doings of the peasants numbering hundreds of millions. In 1957, when the bourgeois Rightists took advantage of the Party’s rectification drive to launch a wild attack upon the proletariat, there were also people in the Party, who advocated a bourgeois programme in co-ordination with the bourgeois Rightists of that time. In 1959, Peng Teh-huai’s Right opportunism opposed the Party’s general line, negated the great leap forward and the people’s communes. This once again exposed the true colours of those who remained bourgeois democrats. These people, who tried to push forward a capitalist programme and bourgeois slogans in the period of socialist revolution, could not but be washed away by the current of the socialist revolution.

It is by no means strange that, in the period of the socialist revolution, there are still some in the Party whose ideology remains at the stage of the democratic revolution and who deal with things from the standpoint and world outlook of the bourgeoisie. Ours is a great, glorious and correct Party. Under the guidance of our great leader Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line, the revolution led by the Party has won great victories. But because the Party over a long period in the past led revolutionary movements which were bourgeois democratic in nature, many bourgeois and petty-bourgeois democrats joined the revolutionary ranks and the vanguard of the proletariat. Many who were educated in Marxism-Leninism and were tempered in protracted revolutionary struggles gradually abandoned their bourgeois world outlook and accepted or fostered the proletarian stand and world outlook. But there are still a few who have been profoundly influenced by bourgeois ideology but have not accepted the Party’s education and remoulding, and their stand and world outlook remain unchanged.

In socialist society, the bourgeoisie still exists and its ideology will inevitably influence certain people in the vanguard of the proletariat and turn them into bourgeois democrats and revisionists. Their world outlook is bound to find expression stubbornly on political and ideological questions by every possible means. One cannot expect it to do otherwise. When the socialist revolution is rolling forward, there inevitably are people who obstinately want to stop it and turn it back. Such people appeared in the past, are still around at present and will emerge in the future.

The proletarian Party must wage resolute struggles against such attempts to transform the Party and society in the image of the bourgeoisie. With regard to those comrades who have made mistakes, our Party’s consistent policy is: “Learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones and cure the sickness to save the patient.” In the current struggle, we should continue to adhere to this policy, patiently help those comrades who have made mistakes to mend their ways so as to promote unity and do our work well.

Peking Review,March 26,1976

People’s War in India Clippings 19/11/2014


Private resort at Tirunelly vandalised

A group of people, suspected to be Maoists, vandalised a private resort at Tirunelly in the early hours of Tuesday. The local police said six persons barged into the Agraharam resort and broke the windowpanes of the resort’s office building, staff quarters and reception centre. They destroyed the furniture, a computer, printer, and a phone kept in the office. They fled after sticking wall-posts demanding land for landless tribesmen and opposing cultivation of mushrooms in the resort.

The posters also declared celebration of the 10th anniversary of the CPI (Maoist), the police said. The resort suffered loss to the tune of Rs.2 lakh in the attack, the police added. Senior police officers, including District Police Chief Putta Vimaladitya, visited the resort. “We could not identify which group was involved in the attack. A case has been registered,” Mr. Vimaladitya said. The police have strengthened security measures in the area.

Suspected Maoist youths detained by ATS, released

Court records statements of duo and lets them off with warning; they were allegedly spreading Naxalite ideology. The Pune unit of the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) produced two youths, suspected of having Naxalite links, in the court of first class magistrate P H Ingale, who got their statements recorded ‘in camera’ before letting them off with a warning. The duo, identified as Shubham and Shahrukh, are in their twenties and studying in city colleges.

Both were released without being arrested due to the absence of any substantial evidence. Allegedly, both were engaged in small jobs and had been influenced by Maoist ideology. Also, the two were supposed to help in spreading the Naxalite movement in Pune city and its surrounding areas, especially at places where Dalits are in a majority. So, ATS had issued notices to the two under Section 164 CrPC, asking them to appear in the magistrate’s court.

The magistrate asked Shubham and Shahrukh a series of questions about their involvement in Naxalite activities as well as about their alleged relations with past incidents of violence in Naxalite-affected Gadchiroli and Chandrapur areas. They were also asked to specify whether they had any connection with the killings. Although advocates Wajed-Khan Bidkar and Tosif Shaikh, representing other Maoist suspects, confirmed the detention of the two youths, they refused to give details about the trial or the charges pressed against the duo. \

“The duo was produced under preventive action and released with some warnings. Considering the age of the suspects and the possibility of their reformation, they were not framed either by the ATS or the court,” said an ATS source. The detention (which ATS refused to call it so) of Shubham and Shahrukh comes within a couple of months of the arrest of the suspected Maoist couple, Arun Bhelke (38) and his wife, Kanchan Nalawade alias Bhoomi (35)

Shortage of security forces worries railway admn

RANCHI: Despite intelligence agencies’ warnings of possible Maoist violence during elections, railway divisions are facing security issues due to acute shortage of security personnel (RPF). “We do not have enough men to guard passenger trains. With a large chunk of them deployed for poll duties, the situation is worse,” said Bhawani Shankar Nath, the RPF regional security commandant of Ranchi railway division under South Eastern Railway (SER).

As many as 10 companies of RPF from the SER have been roped in for election duties that begin from November 25. Similar situation persists in East Central Railway (ECR). With the Maoists desperate to leave their mark during polls, the railways have time and again been attacked by the Maoists in Jharkhand, killing people and damaging property. State intelligence agency has already warned railway officials of a terror attempt in coming days.

3-day police custody for AU professor

Associate Professor of Andhra University J. Appa Rao and three others, who were arrested on charge of providing explosives to the banned CPI (Maoist), were granted police custody for three days from Monday by the court of the Special Judicial First Class Magistrate (prohibition and excise), which is also designated court for Maoist cases. Magistrate of the court S. Aruna Sri granted police custody and the orders were served on the police and the accused, lodged in the Central Jail on Tuesday.

However, when the police led by ASP of Narsipatnam went to jail in the morning, Prof. Appa Rao refused to come along since the order did not specify the venue of police interrogation, his advocate N.H. Akbar said. In the order Ms. Aruna Sri while granting police custody from 6 p.m. on November 17 to 6 p.m. on November 20 directed the police not to use any third degree methods against the accused and not to cause injuries to them. The accused were allowed to take the assistance of their legal counsel during the investigation. The police should produce the accused before the court on November 20 after getting them examined by a medical officer.

Maoists set ablaze BJP’s election campaign vehicle in Jharkhand

Suspected cadres of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) set ablaze a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)”s election campaign vehicle seeking votes for party candidate at Patgachha village under Gumla Police Station area in Gumla District in the evening of November 18, reports The Times of India. Party”s campaign materials being carried in the vehicle were also burnt by the Maoists who warned people campaigning for the BJP of dire consequences if they do it again.

The Maoists have announced a complete poll-boycott in the District where polling will take place on November 25. “The Maoists stopped the vehicle (Bolero) and asked announcers sitting inside it to get down. They asked them why they were campaigning despite poll boycott and burnt the vehicle in front of them and also threatened them with life,” Gumla Superintendent of Police (SP) Bheemsen Tuti said. The Maoists, however, did not hurt anyone. “The persons seeking votes ran for safety and later reported the matter to police. An investigation has been launched into the incident,” SP Tuti said.


CPN-Maoist Clippings 19/11/2014


Chand threatens to snub party’s extended CC meet

KATHMANDU, Nov 19: Dissident faction leader of the CPN-Maoist Netra Bikram Chand threatened that his faction will snub the upcoming extended central committee meeting of the party slated for November-22, on Wednesday.

Organizing a press conference held in Anamnagar today to make public the decisions of recent gathering of his faction held in Kapilvastu, leader Chand also warned that he will not furnish clarification too as sought by the recent Central Committee meeting of the party. Instead, he argued that party Chairman Mohan Baidya and General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa should apologize for the decision to seek clarification and accusing him of factionalist.

A central committee (CC) meeting of the party held on Saturday and Sunday decided to seek clarification from the leaders for boycotting the CC meeting and holding factional activities. As many as 68 leaders of the party, including secretary Chand, had held a separate meeting at Kapilvastu expressing discontent with the party line.

On the occasion, leader Chand informed that his side´s Kapilvastu gathering has decided to demand the party leadership for calling a special convention of the party. He further argued that his side is still ready to accept the incumbent party chair Baidya’s leadership if party establishment ready to fulfill their demands. Denying the charge that Kapilvastu conclave was a factional gathering, he termed it as just an interaction program.

Speaking at the program, he also demanded the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and demanded national political dialogue among the political parties and other stakeholders. On the occasion, he also dismissed the speculation that his faction will adopt the path of violation saying that he is in favor of strengthening general people instead of raising the arms.

Statement on the second congress of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan


The second congress of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan (CmPA) was successfully held. This congress took place ten years after the unity congress of the communist (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) movement of Afghanistan that secured the merger of the Struggle Organization for the Liberation of the Peoples of Afghanistan, the Revolutionary Workers Alliance of Afghanistan, and the Communist Party of Afghanistan, into a united party: the CmPA.

The congress began with the international communist anthem. Then the four part political report (On the international situation, on the situation of Afghanistan, on the international communist movement, and on the CmPA) was presented to the congress by members of the organizational commission. During the beginning of the political report, comrades stood up in silence for deceased comrades: comrade Momand, comrade Hafiz, comrade Karim, and comrade Aziz, as well as other deceased and martyred comrades of the Maoist movement in Afghanistan and internationally. In the discussions, all comrades expressed their views on proposals for the modification of the political report presented to the congress.

All comrades expressed their fundamental agreement with the content of the political report presented to the congress, while at the same time proposed particular changes and modifications for improving the report. The mentioned proposals were put to discussion and most of them were accepted. At the end of this session of congress’s work, the political report presented to the congress, along with a summation of the strategy and the political line of the party was ratified with consensus.

In the second session, the draft of the constitution of the CmPA, after prior internal discussions, was again put into discussion. This draft was prepared by the politburo of the central committee of the party was presented to the ninth plenum of the party. The ninth plenum of the central committee had made further changes and amendments on the text of the draft. The new text was once again put into discussion in the tenth plenum of the central committee, which went through further changes and amendments.

The draft prepared by the tenth plenum of the party was presented to the party congress and went through changes and amendments for the last time. The final draft was put to a vote in the congress and was ratified with consensus. In the third session, members were elected to the party’s central committee. At the end of the congress the international anthem was again played with members of the congress standing and singing. The work of the second congress of the CmPA ended in the evening of the third day of the congress with a concluding speech. Comrades expressed the hope that, following the congress, we should witness a serious leap in our revolutionary struggle. Following the congress participants gradually left the location of the congress and returned to their own localities.

Central Committee of the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan

October 5, 2014.

Africa is pregnant with democratic, anti-imperialist,anti-reactionary and anti-bureaucratic revolution-PCRV


The African continent, object of greed and centre of inter-imperialist rivalries in the context of the deepening crisis of the imperialist system and the struggle for the redivision of geostrategic spheres and spheres of influence, is mired in a great political storm characterized by the following facts:

In many parts of the continent (West, Central, East, Southern Africa, etc.) its states are shaken by the crisis of the capitalist-imperialist system, are very fragile and unable to meet the aspirations and demands of the peoples. They are in abject poverty and misery. The despotic and autocratic regimes imposed by military coups, by electoral fraud or reactionary civil wars impose on the people a social order marked by the absence of the most basic democratic freedoms.

The reactionary armed conflict and violence increases everywhere, in different countries and regions in Africa (Ivory Coast, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, Central African Republic, Guinea-Bissau, Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, etc.).

The struggle among the imperialist powers (U.S., France, Great Britain, Germany, etc.) and between these imperialist powers and new ones such as China, India, Brazil and Turkey that seek to control of areas of influence in the framework of the struggle for the redivision of the world.

These rivalries are also part of the struggle for the conquest of markets and looting of the enormous mineral and agricultural resources of Africa (oil, uranium, copper, coltan,1 coffee, cocoa, etc.). The development and the struggle for the political and social emancipation of the African peoples, particularly the youth, by social revolts and mass popular movements, strongly express their demands for democratic and social rights. These struggles, although certainly uneven depending on the country, are primarily directed against:

The Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) imposed by the imperialist powers and international financial institutions, the IMF, World Bank and World Trade Organization (WTO).

The neo-colonial, bureaucratic, reactionary and autocratic regimes (both civil and military) and their instruments of oppression, the fascistic Parties of Defence and Security, the State without rights, etc.

This movement deserves our particular attention to draw conclusions on the basis of our Marxist-Leninist principles and promote the struggles of the African proletariat and peoples with the perspective of national and social liberation.



I) The development and fundamental characteristics of the movement for political, economic and social emancipation of the African peoples

a) The political, economic and social demands of the African peoples aim at the following points: Political freedom and a truly democratic state that can open the way for the full achievement of individual and collective freedoms and social progress. Freedom of expression, movement, association, including the freedom to create political parties in a full multiparty system.

Right of self-determination, to freely choose the political and economic system, rejection of imperialist military aggressions and interventions, rejection of the buying up of the patrimony and public assets as a result of privatization imposed by the IMF and the World Bank.

Jobs for all, access to health facilities, decent housing for all, access to education and eradication of illiteracy, food self-sufficiency.

b) The movement for political and social emancipation has a massive character: millions of men, women and youth are awakening to political life and are actively taking up the struggle with determination to achieve their legitimate demands. In many countries there have been large popular demonstrations against the high cost of living, corruption, fraud and impunity for political and economic crimes (marketplace gatherings and rallies that have become bloody clashes with the military), economic strikes and political strikes of the masses.

Some of these movements have taken the character of an insurrection (Benin, Togo, Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of Congo, Madagascar, South Africa, etc.).

c) The current movement of political and social emancipation of the African peoples goes up against the neo-colonial system in which the corrupt bourgeoisie in power wades between uncertainty and incompetence. Today the democratic anti-imperialist, anti-reactionary and anti-bureaucratic revolution, as an alternative to the current situation, is on the agenda for the future and to achieve a social order based on the full realization of people in the material field as well as in the intellectual, cultural, moral and spiritual fields.

d) What characterizes this movement is the lack of the subjective factor of the revolution. From this come its limitations, its political and organizational weaknesses so that often, even in revolutionary situations, the peoples are unable to convert the movement into a real revolution. This political, ideological and organizational weakness leaves room for manoeuvre to the imperialist powers and their African allies that allows them to recuperate or liquidate these movements that are the bearers of hope for the proletariat and peoples.

e) The struggle for the emancipation of African peoples broadly confirm the fundamental theses of Marxism-Leninism and highlight the following points: The bourgeois reactionary theses, the reformist theses of all kinds on the impossibility of the revolution, are being defeated by the concrete struggle of the popular masses who are demanding a new, progressive social order that would replace the neo-colonial capitalist order superseded by time.

Also defeated are the capitulationist theories on the “almighty power of imperialism, which is invincible and to which the people must bow down.” In the concrete struggle the African peoples are giving evidence of determination and heroism against the neo-colonial regimes (as in Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, Senegal, Nigeria, etc.), which are leading the imperialists and their allies to disorder and confusion. The revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt that have overthrown the dictators Ben Ali and Mubarak are good examples of the spirit of resistance and struggle of the peoples.

All this testifies to the fact that the possibilities of imperialism are diminishing and that they find themselves in decline. On the other hand, the possibilities of the proletariat and peoples are progressively increasing. The attempts that imperialism and its African allies are carrying out to recover their strength or liquidate the movement for emancipation of the peoples are clearly showing that:

The anti-imperialist struggle, in order to be consistent, must also be a struggle against the classes and strata that are allied with imperialism. That is, at the same time it is a class struggle. The democratic, anti-reactionary and anti-bureaucratic revolution that is highly relevant in Africa should have the perspective of transition from capitalism to socialism, which is the fundamental problem of our era (the era of imperialism and proletarian revolutions).

Faced with the development of the popular struggles, imperialism and its African allies are launching atrocious reactionary violence (political assassinations, attacks on peaceful demonstrations, arrests and barbaric torture on freedom fighters, brutal interventions of foreign military forces to restore the colonial order, etc.) against the peoples. Drawing lessons from the behaviour of imperialism and its allies, the masses perceive ever more fully the necessity of revolutionary violence, and in a singular manner they are increasingly practicing insurrectionary forms of struggle.

With the temporary defeat of socialism internationally and the consequent ebb in the world revolutionary movement, the reactionary bourgeoisie, the opportunists and reformists of every kind and colour were quick to proclaim the end of communism and of related ideologies : the “class struggle,” “the need for national reconciliation,” “tolerance and forgiveness,” etc.

The present situation puts the lie to these rants; life is increasingly clearly demonstrating that these sermons come from a current of crushing pressures of imperialism and the bourgeoisie who are futilely taking refuge in reforms of the capitalist system, whose wrongdoings and ugliness are repugnant. In the current situation in Africa, reformism is trying to defend colonialism and avoid a revolutionary solution to the crisis sweeping the continent

II) What is the solution to the deep crisis sweeping the African continent?

Faced with the crisis, the imperialists and their African allies are on the defensive, seeking a bourgeois solution that allows them to save and reinforce the bases of capitalist and neocolonial exploitation and oppression in the different countries. To do this, they carry out political, economic and social reforms, specifically the implementation of Structural Adjustment Plans through the IMF and World Bank.

These are liberal political and economic reforms, to stimulate a certain development of capitalism in the African countries, through integration into the world capitalist system; replacing the colonial economic base in these countries with a neo-colonial economic base. This would permit concretely the following:

Strengthening the social and political basis of neo-colonialism to renew the development of the local bourgeoisie. With this the bourgeoisie can be more conscious of its role as defender of the capitalist system, and be more effective in the management of neo-colonial interests. That is the real purpose of the Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) and all the measures of economic, financial and political restructuring. However, the implementation of these programs has not been achieved calmly or without problems.

On the contrary: They are sharpening the inter-imperialist contradictions that acquire a particular character since they coincide with the struggle for the redivision of the world and of Africa, taking into account the subsequent changes and rivalries within the imperialist system for its orientation. The class struggles in the different countries are becoming sharper and more complex, which sometimes confuses the proletariat and the peoples who are not sufficiently organized and are not fully conscious of what is at stake.

They put forward the need for imperialism and its African allies for open repression against the proletariat and the peoples, policies and they also implement defensive tactical policies to divert people’s movements into reformist paths. This shows the inability of imperialism and its local allies to find solutions that meet the basic demands of the African peoples; this also shows that the defenders of the neo-colonial order have a certain room for manoeuvre to delay the victory of the revolution by diverting and repressing the revolutionary movement in this or that country given the current state of affairs.

For all this, the birth or strengthening of Marxist-Leninist parties in Africa is imperative. These parties must raise the flag of the revolution for national and social liberation. This is a crucial task in the present period of acute crisis of capitalism and imperialism, for without a real Communist Party the proletariat is like army without a general staff, and cannot dream of overthrowing imperialism and seizing power. This is one of Lenin’s teachings:

“…we have now come to the question of the revolutionary crisis as the basis of our revolutionary action. [...] There is no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation. The bourgeoisie are behaving like barefaced plunderers who have lost their heads; they are committing folly after folly, thus aggravating the situation and hastening their doom.

All that is true. But nobody can ‘prove’ that it is absolutely impossible for them to pacify a minority of the exploited with some petty concessions, and suppress some movement or uprising of some section of the oppressed and exploited. To try to ‘prove ‘ in advance that there is ‘absolutely ‘ no way out of the situation would be sheer pedantry, or playing with concepts and catchwords. Practice alone can serve as real ‘proof’ in this and similar questions.

All over the world, the bourgeois system is experiencing a tremendous revolutionary crisis. The revolutionary parties must now “prove” in practice that they have sufficient understanding and organization, contact with the exploited masses, and determination and skill to utilize this crisis for a successful, a victorious revolution.”2

The revolutionary struggle in Africa, as in the whole world, is based on a correct understanding and consistent practice of proletarian internationalism. Proletarian internationalism is the unity of thought and action of the proletariat of each country and of the world proletariat as a whole, in its struggle to overthrow the capitalist order by revolutionary violence; to destroy bourgeois power to its foundations, to seize the means of production, to build the World Republic of Soviets.

Proletarian internationalism is thus one of the most powerful weapons of the revolution and of the building of communism, and it is an indispensable condition to achieve it. The world and multifaceted support for the struggles of the proletariat and the peoples of Africa, of France and of the world, is now more than ever on the order of the day. We have to contribute to the development of the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations on the African continent.

We must help to strengthen the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations that is today a pole of reference and a very useful tool for the unity of the international Marxist-Leninist Movement, for the revolutionary struggle of the peoples of Africa and of the world for national and social liberation.

Long Live the Struggle of the Peoples of Africa for Their National and Social Liberation!

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta


1 Coltan is a mineral that is strategic for high technology. The Democratic Republic of the Congo holds 80% of this mineral, which is considered a non-renewable resource, for the possession of which this republic has been at war since 1998.

2 Second Congress of the Communist International: “Report on the International Situation and the Fundamental Tasks of the Communist International,” July 19, 1920.



The decision of the Rainy seasonal strategic offensive completely corresponds to the domestic and international situation and our subjective condition. It is a wonderful application of Marxist military strategy and tactics. It is a historic, far reaching, significant and epoch-making decision in the history of Party and revolution.

2. According to real situation, we see that following aims can be fulfilled through the strategic offensive:

- Seize arms and money

- Build regular and local force of the Armed Patriotic Force

- Carry massive propaganda

- Overthrow local enemies

- Organize masses

- Combine mass struggle with armed struggle

- Establish people’s political power

- Liberate villages

3. For the success of the strategic offensive, leadership must make contact with people. Each sector commander will go to a part of his/her administered sector and under his/her own guidence, materialize the above mentioned aims and guide the whole sector on that basis. Sector commander may go to that part of his/her administered sector where there is better work, that is, guerrillas, cadres, shelters, arms and targets.

The direct guidence of the sector commander will be helpful only when he/she will be free from fear, conservatism and one-sidedness; as well as when he/she will be able to apply Marxism in making military plan and actualizing it. On the contrary, if sector commander is afraid, conservative and one-sided and unable to make and actualze military plan, it will be losses than gains, local initiative will be obstructed, cadres will be demoralized and no military activities will develop.

4. If guerrillas have courage to make proper plan and actualize that, it is much easy to capture Police Posts or Stations.

5. At the present stage, commando attack is the appropriate form of capturing Police Stations or posts. The method of attacking tactics should be: Do not give time to Police or Raxi Bahini (Raxi bahini was a genocidal counterrevolutionary paramilitary force formed by Awami Regime to tackle Maoist People’s War—Sarbaharapath) to prepare; with tactics enter by surprise attack or continuous firing.

Do not apply Raiding Police Stations or Posts by taking position encircling that. In that case, it will not be possible to capture. Rather reversely, we shall lose men and arms. On the basis of proper analysis of ours and enemy condition, we have to achieve courage in thinking.

We are waging just war and establishing justice

They are waging unjust war and trying to sustain injustice

People support us

People do not support them

We are making surprise attack by taking preparation

They are suddenly defending themselves in unprepared condition

We are firm in our aim.

We are selflessly working for people

On the other side, they do not support the government.

They are working for their own to sustain their livelihood

Our morale is high. we are brave

Their morale is low.

They are afraid

This is why they are inferior to us despite being superior to us in terms of arms and men.

7. Analysis of targets and fixing its order Targets can be analysed as target of attack, resistance and seizure. For example, Lauhojong Police Station, CI Office and Bank was target of attack. Among those, CI office was target of resitance while Thana (Police Station—Sarbaharapath) and Bank was target of seizure.

Comprehensively, Thana was the main target among the three because the existence and sustenance of the other two depends on it. Among the targets of seizure,, the main was Thana and the secondary or second was Bank. On the above mentioned analysis, we divided our forces into Main Force (no. 1), Secondary Force (no.2) and Reserve Force.

The main group took the bravest, most experienced and best guerrillas and arms and it was made the strongest. Reserve group was formed to tackle special situation. Main group and reserve group was deployed to attack and seize main target while the secondary or no.2 group was deployed for resistance. It was determined that main group would capture Thana and Bank one after another. Contact and coordination was fixed among various groups.

Because we were inexperienced, we made plan of attacking and seizing the main target and resisting the second (CI Office); that means, we planned for attack and seize a strong enemy position. Therefore, in initial stage, we should make plan of attacking and capturing a single enemy position. When experienced, plan to attack and seize more than one enemy position at a time. Carrier group was formed to carry seized goods.

8. Make order of Works Determine principal task and secondary task. At the same time, avoid one-sided error. That is, do not deduct or neglect secondary task when doing main task. In Lauhojong, principal task was to capture Thana while secondary one was to resist CI Office and the third and secondary task was to capture Bank. Main group and reserve group was deployed for principal task. For second work, second group was deployed. For the third one, main force was deployed.

After successful accomplishment of the main task, second task became principal. After successful accomplishment of second task, the third one became principal and in terms of seizure, second task became principal, that is, seizure of Bank became principal. Thus, periodically after principal task, secondary ones became principal. After accomplishment of principal task, step of transferring seized arms and ammunitions were taken because those were not needed to use in second and third task. Had those been needed in second and third task, those would be used. Secondary works were not deducted when doing principal work, so, we had economic gain and financial crisis decreased significantly.

If secondary task-the seizure of Bank was deducted when doing principal task, we could have much less gain, or if we had deducted second work, enemy could advance from there and with the help of Thana, it could make counter attack to throw us in difficulties. Thus one-sidedness was avoided. During the attack, total-in-charge will take position in reserve force or near so that he/she may provide proper solution of any changed situation.

10. In the whole operation, we need to determine works, principal and secondary, which will be principal one after another successively and take measure accordingly. Generally, we need to do the following task in an operation:

- Investigation (our and enemy)

- Make plan, take advice, approval (higher level and same level)

- Collection of arms, guerrillas, transport and formation of troop according to plan

- Ideological and military training according to plan

- Gather and start to go to attack

- Investigation and approval at the last moment -


- Transfer of seized goods, injured, killed and arrested ones

- Disperse of guerrillas

- Take safe shelter, keep seized goods, injured, killed and arrested ones safely

- Summation

These works will become principal one after another successively. If any one of those works is not completed properly, the whole operation will be defective. For example, in Baidyer Bazar operation, because the plan of transfer of seized goods and disperse of guerrillas were not appropriate, operation failed despite its success up to seizure stage. Eventually seized goods were lost and several guerrillas lost their lives.

In another case, on the basis of investigation and approval of the last moment, operation was canceled. Many operations were canceled due to defect in stage of gathering and starting for attack because of lack of proper coordination among various groups, arms and transport.

11. For regional operation, inter sector or inter sub-sector coordination is needed. Already we have managed such inter sector coordination so that we can help each other in arms, guerrillas, transport, money, investigation and maneuvering etc. It will be more favorable when wireless connection will develop.

12. As we have fixed some regions of East Bengal as struggle areas and some for rear areas as a whole, so we have to work by fixing struggle and rear region in a single sector too, so that we do not lack of shelter and problems of sustenance is not created.

13. Considering our and enemy condition, at present, brave and smaller commando troop (guerrilla troop) is favorable. It is easy to give training, shelter, secretly gather, movement, make surprise attack, disperse etc. Other than waging massive guerrilla war in a single region, we must make all-out effort to spread guerrilla war to vast regions.

Our main objective is to spread guerrilla war in wider regions. If we spread guerrilla war in wider regions, enemy pressure will have to scatter than concentrating on a single region, our local guerrillas will be active and development of party will increase, we shall be able to utilize mass discontent, while on the other hand scarcity of arms and money will diminish in various regions. Form mobile commando unit by taking the most experienced and bravest guerrillas, commanders and organizers to spread guerrilla war to vast regions. They will carry operation in various regions by taking local guerrillas. They will bring seized arms. Local guerrillas will be trained in that course and massive transfer of arms will not be needed.

15. It is necessary to apply different military documents and decisions given by comrade Siraj Sikder.

16. We must courageously utilize struggling morale of people, aspiration and initiative of guerrillas and materialize the objective of strategic offensive.

17. We have learn from the experience of Lauhojong and Jabra ( Lauhojong was a Police station and Jabra was a police outpost that was captured by the guerrillas of the Proletarian Party. A lot of Police stations and out posts were captured by Proletarian party at that period—Sarbaharapath) and apply that. Already application of that experience in Mymensingh and Barisal produced good result. The method of attack that was used in Luhojong and Jabra is bringing success one after another.

On the other side, various other isolated groups usually fire by taking position. So, they fail to seize. Therefore, we should utilize positive and negative experience and ensure success.

18. With the help of the above mentioned points and our own prudence, we must discover the laws of subjective and objective condition adjust subjective with objective and ensure success.

19. The plan of the Rainy Seasonal Strategic Offensive and its real implementation have created wonderful situation and opened huge possibilities, especially created possibilities of carrying inter-regional combined guerrilla war with the help of Regular force, solving financial problem and huge reaction domestically and internationally. Serious spirit, enthusiasm and hope have been created among the people, sympathizers, cadres and guerrillas. We must continue to strive hard to make the Rainy Seasonal Strategic Offensive a success.




People’s War in India Clippings 18/11/2014


Maoist recast for better functioning

The CPI(Maoist) have introduced structural changes in their organization by introducing new committee with focus on the Jharkhand-Bihar region and dismantling an existing one. The formation of the East Bihar Eastern Jharkhand Special Area Committee (EBEJSAC) – to dominate four districts of Dumka, Godda, Pakur and Jamtara under Santhal Pargana division and Bhagalpur, Banka, Jamui Lakhisarai and Monghyr in Bihar – is part of the strategy adopted during the fourth central committee meeting of the CPI Maoists held in 2013.

BJSAC leader Rupeshji, who attended the 2013 meeting, told TOI that for easy functioning and to establish dominance on areas where the revolution was gaining ground, the party decided to form new special area committees. “There has been a noticeable grudge among tribal peasantry against ruling classes in Santhal region and the party (Maoists) decided to give it a direction,” he said. Maoists also dismantled Bihar Jharkhand North Chhattisgarh Special Area Committee (BJNCSAC) to restore the old organization BJSAC. The idea is to concentrate on smaller areas and opt for mass mobilization. “In BJ (Bihar-Jharkhand) too people were steeled in 30 years of class struggle and people’s war. They fought back several enemy repressive campaigns and defeated them. At present, the peasantry and para teachers there are fighting militantly.

“The Jharkhand Adivasi peasantry is fighting militantly against the conspiracies of the ruling classes to undermine the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act, against displacement and for the annulment of MoUs signed by the state government with Multinational companies. In Bihar too peasants are fighting on various issues. There are several potentialities for the BJ movement to advance,” the Maoist resolution adopted adopted in the fourth central committee meeting reads.

“We should implement the tactics in the coming two years and work with the aim of reviving the areas in setback; we should once again mobilize and consolidate the party forces where they had become dispersed; we should strengthen in the areas where we have weakened and we should expand to new areas and spheres basing on this consolidated strength,” it says. Soon after reorganisation, the Maoists have carried out two major attacks in the region which includes attack on convoy of Pakur SP Amarjeet Balihar in July 2013 in which nine people were killed and a landmine blast during the recent Lok Sabha elections in Dumka in which eight people were killed on April 24.

Jharkhand police have identified at least six Maoists active in the region which includes Pavitar Da alias Nandlal Manjhi, Pravil Da alias Hirendra Murmu, Shahdeo Ravi alias Tala Da, Kanchan Yadav alias Mota, Daud hembram alias Vimal Da and Joseph Hansda to be leading activities in the region. ADG special branch Rezi Dungdung however denied having information about Maoists regrouping in the region.

CRPF jawan injured as naxal laid pressure bomb explodes in Chhattisgarh

Raipur: A CRPF jawan was injured in a pressure bomb blast carried out by naxals in Chhattisgarh’s insurgency-hit Bijapur district today, police said. The incident occurred when a contingent of the paramilitary force was engaged in operation of providing security to a road-construction work between Awapalli and Basaguda under Awapalli police station limits this afternoon, Bijapur additional superintendent of police Indira Kalyan Elesela told PTI.

During the operation, one of the jawans accidentally stepped on a pressure bomb planted by Maoists which exploded, injuring him seriously, the ASP said. The injured, Lakhinath, a constable belonged to the 65th battalion of CRPF and is a native of Assam, he said. After preliminary treatment at a local hospital, he was airlifted to the state capital for better medical assistance, where he is reported to be recovering. Later during a search near the blast site, a 7 kg explosive placed under the land, a detonator and iron splinters were recovered by the bomb disposal squad, he said.

Two Naxals Gunned Down in Chhattisgarh

Two Naxals, including a woman, were killed in a gun-battle with security forces when a police team raided a Maoist transit camp in the insurgency-hit Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh today, a senior police official said. “The cadres were gunned down following a prolonged exchange of fire between a joint squad of security personnel and ultras in the forests of Mirtoor police station limits,” Inspector General of Police, Bastar Range, SRP Kalluri told PTI.

Acting on a specific intelligence inputs about the presence of rebels in the jungles of Bechapal of Mirtoor region, located around 400 km away from the state capital, the contingent of Special Task Force (STF) and district forces mobilised towards the spot, the IG said.

IB warns Jharkhand police of Chhattisgarh-like Maoist ambush

RANCHI: The Intelligence Bureau has warned Jharkhand police of a possible Chhattisgarh-like Maoist ambush in assembly segments situated along the interstate border. Most of 13 assembly segments going to polls on November 25 are situated on the Jharkhand-Chhatisgarh-Odisha border. “Among all Maoist-hit states, only Jharkhand is going to polls thus the rebels will try to make a mark to try to regain lost ground,” said Ranchi IG M S Bhatia who termed IB’s warning a routine.

Jharkhand police conducted a co-ordination meeting with IG Sarjuga (Chhatisgarh) T J Longkumer and IG Rourkela R S Sharma with Palamu IG A Natrajan and DIG Kolhan Md Nehal and learnt the strategy Maoists applied in Darbha valley attack in 2013. A classified anti-sabotage strategy has been percolated down the line and SPs told to protect cavalcades of politicians. The VIP security cells in districts earlier dormant have come back to life. “The VIP security cell keeps a track of all VIP movements. The road opening parties are deployed hours before the visits and no cavalcade is allowed without an anti-sabotage check,” said Ranchi IG M S Bhatia.

A top police officer said during elections Maoists try to attack convoys. Forests flank single lane roads most of which cut through valleys in Jharkhand. “Budha Pahar in Jharkhand-Chhatisgarh-Odisha tri-junction has a sizeable presence of Maoists who can disturb polls,” said ADG special branch Rezi Dungdung. A handbook circulated among politicians advices them they should not return by the same route used to reach a rally site and there should not be any last minute change in route or venue.

At the slightest suspicion, forces conduct anti-sabotage checks. Over 15,000 CRPF jawans, deployed for poll duty, mostly carry out road opening exercises and scan roads for bombs. “Maoists have gathered in different parts (of the state), but are being continuously chased. We will not allow them to gather at one place and inflict major damage,” said Bhatia. A source said top Maoists from Chhatisgarh and Jharkhand have held meetings in forests in Chatra and in Jhumra hills to discuss assembly elections. IG Rourkela, R K Sharma, who held coordination meet with Bhatia on Monday, said: “Six companies of CRPF personnel will maintain strict vigil along Jharkhand border till elections are over to stop Maoists cross border movement.” T J Longkumer has also extended similar assurances.

Police monitoring Maoist activities in Kerala

Thiruvananthapuram: The Kerala Police is closely monitoring recent attacks allegedly linked to Maoists and investigating the incidents, said Kerala Home Minister Ramesh Chennithala on Tuesday. Police have identified the “modus operandi” behind the attacks and, for security reasons, were refraining from giving publicity to the investigations, Chennithala told a news agency. “The modus operandi behind these recent attacks is a ploy by a few organisations that have links with Maoists to get the sympathy of the local people,” said Chennithala. He said there were quite a few organisations in Kerala that act as fronts for Maoists.

Talking about two recent attacks, Chennithala said the attack on the corporate office of Nitta Gelatin at Kochi Nov 10 was to get the sympathy of the locals who allege the Nitta factory was polluting the Chalakudy river. “The attack last night at a resort in Wayanad is being probed, but we do not wish to make it public,” said Chennithala. He also pointed out that these Maoists friendly groups target places and establishments where disputes are ongoing. “Through this, they are able to win the confidence of the locals. Their key target areas are quarries, resorts and establishments,” said Chennithala. “Another feature in our state is that such groups are looking for visibility and for that they want publicity to create panic. So the police are watching every development,” added Chennithala.

Cops alert after murder in Ghatsila

JAMSHEDPUR: Police on Monday asked campaigners for the second phase of elections on December 2 to strictly follow security guidelines after a ward member was killed in Maoist-dominated Dhalbhumgarh under Ghatsila sub-division on Sunday. “We issued security guidelines in Maoist-hit areas to candidates and political parties after the assembly election was announced. However, this incident has alerted us on the security front,” said a senior police officer on Monday.

On Sunday evening, Sunil Bodra, in his late 30s, was gunned down by two assailants at Narsinghgarh haat when he was returning home. Police are yet to confirm whether it was the handiwork of the rebels. “Prima facie evidence doesn’t confirm Maoist role nor have we received any clue to believe that criminals were behind the incident. We are still investigating,” said Priya Prakash, DSP Ghatshila range. But sources in Dhalbhumgarh panchayat said suspected Maoists were behind the murder of Bodra. “Our information is that rebels killed Bodra as he was suspected to be an informer and was a target of some time,” said a panchyat member.

CPN-Maoist Clippings 18/11/2014


Baidya request Chand to not go against party statute

KATHMANDU, NOV 18 – CPN-Maoist Chairman Mohan Baidya has requested party Secretary Netra Bikram Chand not to go against the essence of the party’s statute. Baidya called Chand to the party headquarters, Buddhanagar, on Tuesday and asked him to end all activities that are against the party’s policies and statute. Baidya told Chand that an immediate “unified rebellion” as demanded by the latter and his supporters was impossible under current political circumstance.

Chand told Baidya that his faction was moving forward with a different roadmap as the CPN-M has not been working with a clear agenda. According to a party member, during the three-hour discussion, Chand tried to convince Baidya into returning to the path of revolution and people’s struggle. Chand had recently returned to the Capital after holding a two-day ‘central interaction’ event organised by his faction in Kapilvastu. He also boycotted the recent party’s Central Committee (CC) meeting. It is learnt that Chand is planning to hold a press-conference on Wednesday.