Against all European imperialist governments!
Against the fascists and revisionists No-Brexit!
Class struggle – revolutionary path to socialism
Imperialism and its governments, at all latitudes continue to cross a deep financial, economic, political and social crisis. All imperialist governments, internally, unload the burden of the crisis on the proletarians and the masses and, externally, continue imperialist aggressions against oppressed nations and the peoples.
Proletarians and oppressed people need to unite against all the imperialist governments to defend their living and working conditions, to repel the imperialist aggression wars, to overthrow the forces that in each country support and collude with reactionary governments at the service of imperialism.
Reformist and petty bourgeois forces operate within the proletarian and people’s struggles to direct them in support of one imperialism against another, to put themselves as alternative agents serving the same interests. While imperialist governments and states are united against proletarians and peoples, they are divided by an endless dispute having as “booty” energy sources and raw materials and the control on world markets. This dispute has as constant aim a new division of the world between the big powers, in which the role of hegemonic imperialism is played by the US.
Imperialism is war, and any dispute for the a new division has as final results, always and anyway, wars: inter-imperialistic wars, wars on behalf of imperialism, reactionary wars, wars on the people. Proletarians and Communists have no alternative path but to fight imperialists of all kinds, against their wars, relying on their own forces and on the construction of the international unity of proletarians and oppressed peoples.
This path is opposed and fought not only, as obvious, by the imperialists and their imperialist-led or servant governments, but now also and above all by the reactionary forces which try to direct the proletarian and people’s struggles towards fascism or new forms of reactionary dictatorship led by Islamic fundamentalism; as well as by the reformist and social-democrat, revisionist, forces, disguised as liberation forces or so called “communist” forces, that operate to keep the struggle of proletarians and masses within the framework of bourgeois democracy, the electoral way, the peaceful road or that of the armed reformists of a social-democrat style.
The Brexit affair must be seen in this context to correctly orient ourselves, and it requires that the communists, the proletarian and revolutionary vanguard have a solid alternative position not only to the various faces of imperialism, but also to the various faces of the false communist or false progressive “opposition”.
In Europe the bourgeoisies, the governments, the imperialist states have been always striving to build a unity that allows the European imperialist bloc to collude and compete with US, Russian, Chinese, Japanese imperialism etc. But this unity is not and can never be solid because of the development, within the EU, of a dispute between the European imperialist bourgeoisies themselves.
This process constantly undermines from inside the projects of unity of a “European imperialism.” In this sense, the strongest imperialism in Europe, Germany, aims to become a superpower and applies an economic, political, financial hegemony – currently not military – to impose unified policies compatible with the role and rise of German imperialism. The other imperialist countries in this alliance, which is unavoidable for them because of their lesser strength, seek to defend their interests. In this sense, the “impartial” bodies built by EU are, at the same time, expression of the interests of German imperialism and the level of conciliation with them obtained by other imperialist countries.
British imperialism is part of the European dimension of imperialism, but, given the existing historical ties with US imperialism, it has always kept one foot inside and one outside the EU. The foot inside of British imperialism is a tool to get time to time a better conciliation with their specific interests.
This is policy that has been always carried out by British imperialism, whatever the color, Conservative or Labour, of the British government. British imperialism has always tried, now openly now implicitly, to charge the EU for its anti-proletarian and anti-people policies and its imperialist action on an international scale, where furthermore the UK operates in close alliance with the US.
Within the UK the deepening of the economic, political and social crisis has developed a wide range of reactionary forces which want an even more radical pursuit of the interests of British imperialism, out of the constraints of EU, to enforce them in an even more rightist, anti-worker and anti-people way.
Therefore, the referendum was arm wrestling between the forces for a negotiations with other European imperialist governments within the EU framework, and the forces that pursue a break not only for international but especially for internal aims, i.e. nationalist, social-chauvinist and openly British style fascist forces. These forces, leveraging the contradictions with the EU, aim to establish even more anti-worker and anti-people policies and especially anti-immigrant, racist and xenophobic policies. They ride the discontent of the masses to unite them under the banner “Britain first”, similar to the most openly reactionary forces rising throughout Europe, which in some countries are close to government power. These forces won the referendum for the Brexit and represent a new and more extensive outbreak of the reactionary march of modern fascism in England and generally in the imperialist countries.
For this, the victory of these forces in England pushes the other major imperialist governments in Europe, on the one hand, to contain the damage and look for forms of economic and financial agreements which may prevent the worsening of the crisis and the general collapse of the unstable alliance of EU; on the other hand, however, they want to take advantage from the Brexit to strengthen their economic, political, financial, institutional, position etc. against British imperialism itself. Thus, Germany becomes even stronger, the French-German alliance is strengthened and Italian imperialism, being always a junior partner, now sees an opportunity to become a “senior partner.”
This only fuels the dispute and compels the differentiation of interests between the imperialist states and governments on the burning issues, developing an action-reaction spiral that in the background brings an increasing intervention in European affairs by the US, Russia and China and another round of warmongering contention.
But, it is from the standpoint of the proletarian and the masses that the Brexit results in the worst damage. It is easy to see that in UK, whether a post- Cameron conservative government is formed, whether the Labor party returns as part of national unity government for the “salvation of the empire”, or they both collapse before the rise of the reactionary UKIP, in the economic sphere, they can only pursue an even deeper attack with even more anti-worker and anti-people measures. In terms of domestic legislation, British bosses have always complained of the excessive protection of workers in the other European countries, and then in the UK they are moving towards even worse forms of “Loi de Travail” or “Jobs Act”. In terms of immigration policy and admission of foreign workers, European youth, etc. any post-Brexit government will cancel these protections and will try to make the UK a new land of imperialist xenophobia which will be strongly appealing for a lot of countries in the current EU to follow the same road.
In the other imperialist countries the elements of temporary crisis resulting from the Brexit will be further used to continue, even in forms of emergency, the policies that already are implemented by the EU in the interest of all European bourgeoisies.
Indeed, concerning immigration and xenophobia, the strongest imperialist governments too will use the Brexit to further remove the mask from their anti-inmigrant racist policies.
But all this is not frightening for us. Only those who trust in imperialism and its governments and consider that these policies are decided by the Prime Minister in office and not by the structural interests of the imperialist bourgeoisie, can think that governments will change their policies because of the result of an election, or referendum. The last word on this is rather said by the class struggle, to the spread of strikes, workers’ struggles, riots in the suburbs, of the youth, these only are the weapons to respond, counteract, obstruct the imperialist policies.
At the same time, only the ability to transform these struggles, to lead them to a revolutionary alternative of power can actually undermine European imperialist governments in each country and the unstable set of imperialist governments in Europe.
However, the Brexit highlighted other aspects that to some extent require that the path of the struggles is sanitized against fascist, reformist and revisionist infections.
The vote for Brexit fuels the march to power of the reactionary forces, gives them greater opportunity to gather consensus around themselves, not only among their traditional reference classes but also in the devastated sectors of the people.
That is why the social struggle, the youth and proletarian revolt, are not enough. They must have a class basis and no space to the anti EU populist demagoguery of the extreme right must be given in the proletariat and people’s ranks.
The serious aspect that the vote for Brexit highlighted is the change of camp of left forces, trade unions and political groups, or even self-proclaimed communist, Marxist-Leninists groups and parts of the movement that after the Brexit have shown the true nature and real meanings of their so-called anti-capitalist, anti-Euro, anti-EU slogans. They have become tools of the worst electoral, nationalist and chauvinist lines which no worn dress can mask and whose damage in the current situation is very serious because they disoriented parts of our movement, which are brought on a ground that is the abandonment of the class struggle against their masters, against their own imperialism, the abandonment of the path of the struggle for the proletarian and socialist revolution and the abandonment of proletarian internationalism, which for these forces becomes the alliance of “proletarian nationalisms” that always Marxism and Leninism considered a factor for the passage of the false socialists to the imperialist camp.
This archipelago of left forces, beyond their subjective will and the participation in the struggles of many of their members, are useless tools for the struggle we need today.
For this it is necessary to clearly delineate the field between communists and revisionists of all kinds, to build the united front of the masses, to get rid of the coachman of imperialism, and above all, to build the genuine revolutionary initiative, in the tumultuous context of the deepening crisis, inter-imperialist contradictions, overwhelming needs of the proletarians, the rebellious youth, the immigrant masses, according to the internal situation of European imperialist countries.