In this tenth anniversary of the proletarian revolt of the banlieues we are meeting here, not to celebrate an anniversary, but to capitalize on the experience that young French banlieues proletarians and the ones from around the world have shown in this time frame. Just after the uprising in May 2006, right here in Paris, many organizations and Maoist parties gathered in a meeting now become historical when it drew some important policy analysis and conclusions, one above all is that the revolt of young banlieues proletarians showed that the imperialist state is not omnipotent, that can be put in difficulty by the masses but what is essential is the revolutionary organization of new type in order to does not let the revolt goes out by itself, as actually has happened in 2005.
The revolt, which burned for a month and a half in France, saw on the frontline youth proletarians often called “immigrants of second or third generation” whose origins are found in the countries oppressed by the French, in particular many young people of North African origin. Most of them are formally French citizens but not with the same rights, of a “French White”.
What unites young French citizens of Arab origin and the Arabs of new migration is the fact of being proletarians, then discriminated in the same way by the French state.
Young people who daily have seen discard before their eyes the myth of a “democratic” and including France; relegated to ghettos where the unemployment rate is above the national average, constantly “under siege” by the continuous police incursions (one of which resulted in the death of Bouma and Zied) miles and miles away from the center of the vibrant life of the metropolis. The myth of welcoming and in integrating French state, which relies on the concept of “democracy and freedom” and that should make the difference with their origin countries becomes meaningless. In the banlieues’ schools and charitable organizations is told about this difference between the Democratic France and for instance Tunisia of Ben Ali dictatorship, trying to persuade young people to live in a land of opportunity but every day the same young people led and lead a life of material and spiritual misery without prospects for the future.
A young man of North African origin, is that he was born and raised in France is that it is just arrived challenging the borders of Fortress Europe, he has every right to expect that this vaunted equality, these vaunted opportunities, rights and so on become real fact and not mere state propaganda. The rioters were in fact first hit all the symbols of oppression: the police stations, state schools and all other institutions in the banlieues and simultaneously have appropriated all those consumer goods much publicized denied the proletarian youth, but also, they regained their neighborhood, reorganizing it in an embryonic least from a point of view of control of the territory. All this happened in the following years in other riots in the Imperialist Metropolis: in Stockholm, London, Ferguson …
But another big important event was just what the popular uprisings in the Arab world whose spark is struck in Tunisia in late 2010 and to which we approach the fifth anniversary next month. Well, what is said in the appeal of convocation of this meeting may be transposed with regard to Tunisia: after 5 years from the great popular uprising that toppled the autocratic regime of Ben Ali the plight of young Tunisians proletarians has not changed much indeed even the young and the people in general think that some things have worsened. In fact the police state which was based on the regime of Ben Ali was not scratched, also in Tunisia police affects primarily young proletarians and rebels in the neighborhoods of the suburbs and the outskirts of the country represented by the southern and interior governorates.
Youth unemployment is far from being diminished increased to this was added the rising prices of essential goods. Moreover, the new government formed by the clique Nidaa Tounes (the old ruling party RCD “restored”) and Ennahda (the Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia) is literally restoring the old regime that young Tunisian proletarians in the front line had overthrown, and is renewing all military and economic agreements with US imperialism and the French one in the first place; this confirms the comprador and bureaucratic nature of the Tunisian state which results in a continuous robbery of national resources at the expense of the people and especially young people. For this the high rate of abstention during the so called first democratic elections in Tunisia with the new constitution was enlarged just by young proletarians who rejected in block all the bourgeois political parties in Tunisia and in recent months have rejected the fascists bans to demonstrate imposed by the ” state of emergency “held in the spring of 2015 just as in France in 2005, and they took again to the streets to demand better living conditions and work and to reject the so called ” law of economic reconciliation ” that will rehabilitate businessmen and mobsters linked to the previous regime. Thanks to these protests the government was forced to not renew more than a “state of emergency” showing that the real aim of it was to repress those who struggle and not the specter of “Islamic terrorism”.
Today, students at universities have the right to speak and to organize themselves, but they still face a rigid and pyramidal educational system. Both the “banlieues” revolts in the imperialist countries and the Arab uprisings have swept away the rot ideological and political first. All false revolutionaries, Trotskyites, fake Maoists and opportunists of all kinds threw up the mask: the former condemning the riots in Imperialists countries as “underclass” or “anarchist”, in the second case supporting the reformist or even reactionary forces in Tunisia , Egypt, Syria, Morocco and so on.
Both uprisings in the imperialist countries and the Arab countries ones have confirmed that the main trend in the world today is the Revolution furthermore we have the People’s Wars in India, the Philippines, Turkey / Northern Kurdistan, Peru. Young proletarians and the masses are the protagonists in both uprisings perceiving as an enemy the bourgeois state, and in general its repressive apparatus. Both revolts prove to have enormous potential through the use of revolutionary violence. Both revolts have begun from a spark represented by a particular event and then expanded by imitation both geographically (from Clichy sous Bois to the center of Paris and to other French cities, from Sidi Bouzid in Tunisia to the whole Arab world) and in general (the demand for justice after the event to a particular claim of justice in general: a different general living conditions).
Both rebellions have embarrassed an imperialist state and overthrown reactionary regimes, but also show that if the revolt will not turns into a proletarian revolution all the achievements regress and are lost and who benefits about it is only the ruling class who learning from the blow suffered momentarily, it regrouped and returned to the attack with a greater enthusiasm.
Then the problem is on the agenda prevent this by strengthening and building the revolutionary subjective forces, the Maoist parties of a new type that have the potential to apply a revolutionary strategy suited to the specific situation that differs primarily based on the nature of the country if it is imperialist or oppressed by imperialism.
But as we said there were similarities between the riots in the banlieues and those of the Arab countries: in fact, the Paris suburbs do not differ much from the suburbs of a big capital as Tunis or Cairo. A young Tunisian from Ettadhamen in the outskirts of Tunis does not differ much from a young “banlieusard” Parisian, rather than an American or London ones.
Then surely the strategy of protracted people’s war in a country oppressed by imperialism as Tunisia must take into account these peculiarities these urban or “urban countryside” inside the big cities. Conversely the banlieues in an imperialist country are precisely those campaigns which encircle the towns where the headquarters of the power is. In both addressed the Maoists were in the vanguard, since the early days of them have made a correct analysis of them, took part in the forefront, have fought the wrong positions of other groups or parties calling themselves revolutionaries. But in both cases the Maoist forces while being potentially “the solution” have not had the chance to be so for several reasons. This requires the development of the Maoist forces in the fire of the riots when they burst but every day in the heat of the class struggle and in close connection with the masses in particular with the young rebels of the suburbs and the countryside imperialist and suburbs of large cities in the oppressed countries. Revolutionary practice carried out in both types of countries and the exchange of experiences between these fraternal parties and revolutionary in an international meeting like this, is a great help for the World Revolution and a common basis from which to start.
Long live the revolt of the banlieues!
Long live the Arab uprisings!
10 100 1000 new uprisings around the world!
From Paris to Tunis, from Ferguson to Cairo long live proletarian internationalism!
For a century of riots that become people’s wars!