Klassenstandpuntkt– Germany: Contribition to 2015 International Meeting


Proletarians of all countries, unite!

One Class – One Ideology – One Party – One Revolution

“The next 50 to 100 years, beginning from now, will be a great area of radical change in the social system throughout the world, an earth­shaking era without equal in any previous historical period. Living in such an era, we must be prepared to engage in great struggles which will have many features different in form from those of the past”

(Mao Tse-­Tung, “Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse­-Tung” in Peking Review #2, 1969)

Ten years after the heroic uprising of the proletarian youth in France that shook all of Western Europe and sent a promising message for the future to the oppressed all over the world, we face today even better, riper conditions all over the world for the development of the proletarian world revolution. The revolution pressures stronger and stronger, as the historical and political main tendency, in a world where the fundamental contradictions, especially the one between imperialism and the oppressed nations as the principal one, sharpen. The objective situation is excellent. What we all know is, that problem is with us, the communists and our outrageously underdeveloped condition.

There were positive developments in the last decades, mainly in the oppressed nations, which is especially important, because they are the basis of the proletarian world revolution, but the situation nonetheless remains a one, in which we, mainly in Western Europe, despite the existence of Maoist Parties, organisations and groups in different countries, must state, that we don’t meet the required stage of development. To overcome this situation, it is necessary to identify and overcome the main issues for that, by means of developing the theoretical and practical fight. In the first place this demands political clarity.

One class – One Ideology

Marxism-­Leninism­-Maoism is the ideology of the international proletariat. The international proletariat is one class and can only have one own ideology correspondingly. Every other understanding negates the materialistic dialectic. The proletarian revolution has the same content everywhere, but its form meets the specific tasks that exist in every country. Correspondingly the basic principals are the same everywhere. Hence, there can’t be two or more “Maoisms”, it is the same everywhere. Therefore the definition of Maoism is not a question of the originality of a specific country, but a question how far one subordinates oneself to the ideology of the proletariat or not, meaning it is a question of Marxism and Revisionism. We, the communists in formation within the FRG, defined the following:

“The ideology of the international proletariat is Marxism-­Leninism-­Maoism, principally Maoism, and we take on the duty, to uphold it, defend it, and apply it, principally apply it, to serve the socialist revolution in the FRG, as a part and in service of the proletarian world revolution. The highest application of Marxism-­Leninism­-Maoism, principally Maoism, in the world until now is Gonzalo­ Thought and we accept the universally valid contribution of Chairman Gonzalo to our ideology. Learning from Chairmen Gonzalo is necessary to handle the urgent problems of the national and international class struggle. We adopt the ideological basic principals, defined in the Party Basis of Unity of the Communist Party of Peru as ours, aware that it must necessarily be applied politically to the specific conditions of the revolution in the FRG.”

This assessment is most crucial for us, because it is, what gives us the correct guidance, it allows us to develop ourselves as a fighting contingent of the international proletariat. The role of Chairman Gonzalo is not only that of a historical figure that called Marxism-­Leninism­-Maoism by its real name, but most of all he’s the one that defined its content correctly. It is obvious for us, that the document that every communist in the world must adopt in order to have the correct understanding of the ideology of the proletariat is “On Marxism-­Leninism­-Maoism” by the Communist Party of Peru. Other documents, for example the declaration of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, are eclectic works or even contain clearly revisionist standpoints and the consequences are obvious. The problem is, that in the same way as the thunder of the guns of the October ­revolution established Leninism, the correct understanding must be established by practice in the class struggle, which concretely means foremost through People’s War. The theory must be proven in practice, as a criteria of trueness. The general recognition of Maoism was established by the practice of the Communist Party of Peru, the People’s War in Peru with all its elements. The difficulties of the CPP in the beginning of the nineties – precisely the arrest of its Chairman, the escalation of the Yankee­ intervention and the massive war of low intensity (which includes psychological warfare, the role of the traitors, political exploitation of the situation, when the Chairman was in the hands of the enemy, etc.), the black role of the revisionists in Peru, as the most evolutionised form of revisionism in the world and the genocide in the countryside and the cities – gave the right within the RIM and the Internationalist Communist Movement the opportunity of starting a counter­-offensive, which led to great confusion among many.

The lacking understanding of the real process of the Nepalese People’s War, Prachanda­ Revisionism and its connection with Avakian, led many comrades to wrong statements. The actual fact that the Central Committee of the CPP was blown apart 1999 and the infiltration of the party work abroad made the situation even worse. A situation in which the red fraction of the ICM was unable to play its required role. The bend in the road of the People’s War in Peru became in fact a bend in the road of the ICM. Naturally there were also a lot of positive things in this Period, the unification of the comrades in India resulting in a more unified development of the democratic revolution on the sub­continent, as well as the advances of the reconstitution­ progress of the Communist Parties in Latin America, where the recognition of the role of the CPP and Chairman Gonzalo is clearly noticeable. The development of the Communist Movement in Latin America deserves a great deal of attention from those that are involved in the reconstitution ­progress of the Communist Party in their respective countries.

In Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and other countries, communists march forward resolutely and systematically on the road of the Chairman Gonzalo and their perspectives are promising. In other countries where the influence of Avakian had been bigger and still is and where the real support of the Nepalese revisionism can’t be overlooked, those standpoints led to some even negating the necessity of the democratic revolution and other democratic revolutions being delayed. Therefore it becomes an urgent necessity of every communist to fight for the establishing of the correct definition of Maoism and to sweep away every kind of revisionist twisting. This means that we extend the Marxist-­Leninist-­Maoist, Gonzalo­ Thought counter­-offensive in the world; which means theoretical efforts and especially the purposeful and systematic, but bold development of our subversive revolutionary practice.

One Class – One Party

The national form of the class struggle of the proletariat requires the Communist Party in every country. The uprising of the working ­class youth 2005 in France, as well as the big uprisings in England and Sweden and the thousands of small uprisings that happened all over Europe in the last decades show with all vividness on the one hand the cry of the masses to organise the rebellion and on the other hand, the current inability of the Communist Movement of Europe in general to empathise with the immediate needs of the masses. A quick look at the history of the last 15 years displays, that cases in which Maoists in a country of Europe led hundreds or more masses in the struggle are very rare and the cases where one can speak of thousands can be counted with one hand. The situation of the Turkish Parties composes an exception, which, based on their political understanding of proletarian internationalism, with their respective differences, requires a special discussion.

The reconstitution of the Communist Parties as Marxist-­Leninist­-Maoist Parties is the precondition for being able to correctly approach the doing of the revolution, but the experience shows again and again, for example in France and Italy, that the existence of a Communist Party per se is not enough. The reconstitution of the party is only the beginning which requires a creative application of the general truth of Marxism­-Leninism-­Maoism, principally Maoism, to the specific conditions of every country and the appropriate solutions for the specific problems which every revolution will be necessarily confronted with, which above all requires a correct and proper handling of the relation between the party, the revolutionary violence and the united front in the different moments of the class and two ­line­ struggle. That means a true and systematic realisation of the great construction­ principle in the practice of the communists: “Based on the ideological ­political base, to simultaneously build the organizational forms in the midst of the class struggle and the two­ line struggle, all of these within and as a function of the armed struggle and the conquest of Power.” (CPP – Line of construction of the three instruments of the revolution)

Today we are dealing with a politically complicated situation in the FRG: German imperialism is the dominant power within the European Union, aspiring to make the leap to become a super power. An aspiration that means more war, more deprivation, more exploitation and oppression for the international proletariat and peoples of the world. An aspiration that sharpens all contradictions in the German society, especially the one between proletariat and bourgeoisie. The imperialists try to use the expansion of the Third World – what Chairman Gonzalo already analysed in 1992 – to create a fascist mass movement. Under such circumstances our weakness becomes visible very clearly. The objective conditions for a rapid development of the revolutionary proletarian movement exist, but the subjective forces are especially politically and organizationally lagging behind.

The lack of a Communist Party of German cries with its absence. We communists in formation in the FRG must accelerate our efforts with seven ­league boots to bring the reconstitution process of our party, the glorious Communist Party of Germany, to its climax, as a necessary precondition for unfolding the class struggle of the proletariat in preparation for the IAS.

We endorse the relentless struggle against revisionism and opportunism. In the current moment the greatest danger of our work are right­ opportunist revisionist standpoints that cover themselves as “Maoist”. In our ranks revisionism has been resolutely smashed and the ideological struggle against revisionism has developed to a higher level. The correct handling of the two ­line­ struggle, in theory and practice, is necessary, to enforce the embodiment of Maoism. We fight against all those false so ­called “communist” parties and organisations, we fight against the opportunists of the L… P… and every false “leader of the workers”, who traffics with the name of Marxism. We develop the struggle for the enforcement of Marxism­-Leninism­-Maoism, principally Maoism, so that it will established as the only guide and command of the socialist revolution in the FRG. That serves the imposition of Marxism-­Leninism­-Maoism, principally Maoism, as the only guide and command of the proletarian world revolution today.

The development we experience is a smashing of the parochial circles, a breaking with the rest of student petty bourgeois, a struggle for the creating of a proletarian vanguard. In the past two years this led to bitter conflicts. In one city the Maoists have been combated by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (dt.: Verfassungsschutz) through revisionists with a publicly announced plan, including public denunciation of comrades in the bourgeois press and the mobilization of lumpen for counter­-revolutionary acts of violence against comrades and much more. In another city the Red Women Committee was temporarily liquidated, by means of intriguing capitulators, led by a deserter who traffics with Marxism­-Leninism­-Maoism, but in no way want to develop principal struggle, doesn’t prepare ideologically ­politically criticism, but only intrigues and who is obviously ashamed to lay out his petty bourgeois, patriarchal and chauvinist opinions in all clarity; the same people that try to confuse comrades on the international level via Facebook and other channels. Naturally there are other and from their nature more important conflicts, but those two are worth being named here. In general we fought successfully, even though we made some particular mistakes, they are secondary, and we raised our unity and determination to greater heights.

It is required to denunce the eurocentric and chauvinistic stance of those trying to negate the experiences of our class, under the pretext of the half­-colonial and half-­feudal character of the countries of the third world, in this type of countries, which are currently without comparison the most advanced. This European “Maoists”, who pound their chests like gorillas and declare, that they “discovered Maoism without foreign influence” or try to puff up characters in the history of the communist movement in “their country” to a significance which they never had and especially not have today, make, like gorillas, apes of themselves.

Yes, we raised the slogan “Learn from Chairmen Gonzalo!“, that is, was and remains correct. Lenin explains regarding this question:

“The conclusion you draw, however, is that the working­ class movement must not be pushed on from outside! […] There has never been too much of such “pushing on from outside”; on the contrary, there has so far been all too little of it in our movement, for we have been stewing too assiduously in our own juice […] We professional revolutionaries must and will make it our business to engage in this kind of “pushing on” a hundred times more forcibly than we have done hitherto. But the very fact that you select so hideous a phrase as “pushing on from outside” — a phrase which cannot but rouse in the workers (at least in the workers who are as unenlightened as you yourselves) a sense of distrust towards all who bring them political knowledge and revolutionary experience from outside, which cannot but rouse in them an instinctive desire to resist all such people — proves you to be demagogues, and demagogues are the worst enemies of the working class.” (Lenin – What Is To Be Done?)

Those who babble about “too much Peru”, “to much about other countries and too little about Germany” and even try to use the revolutionary defeatist slogan of Liebknecht “The main enemy is at home!” to actually negate the proletarian internationalism, are exactly this, demagogues and as such they are “the worst enemies of the working class” and it is the duty of all comrades to fight such delinquents.

Without the smashing of the parochial circles, not only formally, but in theory and practice, communists won’t be able to fulfil the role of the vanguard of the proletariat, no matter which level of development they have, no matter in which country. Being a communist means the “most radical rupture with traditional ideas.” A communist must be willing to subordinate his interests to the interests of the class, meaning that he must make the class interest his own. Furthermore we need professional revolutionaries that give their whole life to the party, in order to face down the power, that is created by the multitude of people, that serve the existing order professionally. Living unpretentious and struggling hard is a principle that guides us.

We don’t need spare­time “communists” or “Parties” which aren’t Parties of militants. We already have plenty of them. We need comrades, who understand to expedite the process of the proletarian world revolution.

One Class – One Revolution

Within this epoch of the “50 to 100 years” in which we develop today, the strategical offensive of the proletarian world revolution, the understanding of the communists regarding proletarian internationalism is more important then ever. Whoever does not understand the world revolution as one, will not be capable to understand the tasks of the communists in a specific country, nor the task of the communists on world stage. Whoever only cares about “his revolution” or the national interests, be it in an oppressed or an oppressing country, or puts immediate interests of a people above the proletarian world revolution, can not been seen as a communist, but as a chauvinist. A communist is only that one, who develops the revolution in his own country as a part of and in service of the proletarian world revolution.

A good example, to recognize those people, is that they don’t really do anti-­imperialist work, but only realise “activities” when its opportune for them, in order to sell they revisionist stuff and to confuse genuine revolutionaries. For this kind of people TTIP is a very important matter, but systematic anti-­imperialist work in the proletarian neighbourhoods as a proletarian ­internationalist duty and a strategic necessity in order to mobilize the deepest and broadest masses, is not. Appearing with anti-­imperialist slogans at demonstrations, but despising the daily work is unworthy of a communist or a revolutionary, it only fits opportunists. The question of TTIP and the outcry of the opportunists and revisionists in the FRG about it, is a question, that we will deal with in another context, here it is enough to state, that every agreement between the imperialists is directed against the international proletariat and the people of the world, and so is TTIP, but to side with German imperialism in the “Name of the working­ class” is class ­treason.

The core of our anti-­imperialist work is the development of the People’s Wars, of those forces who struggle for the realisation of the democratic revolution and the unification of the national liberation movements with the international workers movement. The second item must be the support of the development of the struggles under the leadership of the Communist Parties in the oppressed countries.

Additionally the general anti-­imperialist work must be developed, which divides in four main parts. The first one is the support of the underdeveloped forces, whichever they are must be carefully determined in every country and under no circumstances we must confuse those forces with revisionist parties and organisations, the same way we distinguish between revolutionarists and revisionists in the FRG we also must distinguish in general. Secondly: Against EVERY imperialist intervention and for the defence of the right of national independence. Thirdly: To denunciate and combat imperialism. Understanding Yankee ­Imperialism as the principal enemy of the people, and since we develop ourselves in Germany, especially the role of the German imperialism and its increasingly aggressive demeanour on world stage. Fourthly: Support of the oppressed people and nations like Palestine for example and in the case of Palestine, to also reject every hypocrisy and knee bending in front of opportunism as well as the struggle against the attempt to smuggle the accusation of anti­-Semitism in the context of the support to the struggle for liberation of the Palestinian people.

We must clearly see the fact that – 10 years after the great uprising in the Banlieus – what we haven’t done, the Salafists did. They have spread their “anti­-imperialism” in the neighbourhoods, we, in the best case, very insufficiently. They have done the systematic and methodical mass work, in which they traffic with the needs of the masses (be it of political, cultural or economic type), to organise them for their goals. The result is obvious for everyone: Thousands of people from the countries of the EU, that understood that one can only change the world with the gun, fight and die under feudal banners in Syria and Iraq or take their fight with assault rifles and bombs to the streets of Paris, not in service of the proletariat, but for “the Caliphate”.

The theory of the “calm hinterland” and those who follow it, went bankrupt again. Those who follow this theory, among others some organisations that we normally know as our allies in different situations, work together with the imperialist state and his institutions as well as if not directly with the police senate / federal state government and the education authority, to combat the Salafists “on the basis of the Constitution of the FRG”. That such approach has nothing in common with revolutionary work is obvious and soils the red flag in the eyes of great part of the rebellious youth. The communists must reverse this situation, so that the masses don’t shed their blood for class foreign banners. Many things are necessary to achieve that, but the basic condition is, that we firmly apply the “three with”, that Chairman Gonzalo taught us: Work, live and fight with the masses. Communist should live according to the needs of the revolution. Generally the comrades should live with the deepest and broadest masses, sharing every aspect of the life of the masses. Comrades should have a personal production in the sector where they have to develop their respective mass work. Comrades should have a production which allows them to develop their connection to the masses (there will be exceptions in the case of developed parties). Communists furthermore must strive to develop the initiative of the masses, to develop and wage political and economic struggles in their respective organism, in the struggle in the neighbourhoods, at work and wherever they are, and sustain them under the leadership of their respective organism.

It must be differentiated between the different levels of the struggle and aimed to heighten the struggles. Always regarding the principle of struggle: with advantage, on the basis of justified cause, with limitation. Put politics in command in the initiatives and struggles of the masses and analyse the specific situation. In this sense it’s important to consider the “limitation” and develop the work systematically.

Regarding this work it’s an urgent need to follow the five necessities of party work: Democratic Centralism, vigilance, secret, clandestinity and discipline.

Democratic Centralism is the principal of the five necessities, with centralism as its principal, since leading aspect and democracy as it’s basis. Without democratic centralism there’s no proletarian leadership and everything would be in vain. Vigilance is mainly ideological­-political vigilance against revisionism, its dirty struggle, its intrigues, but also means vigilance against every form of infiltration and liberalism regarding clandestinity and secret. Clandestinity means that even our ‘most open work’ must be kept clandestine. The secret refers to confidentiality of everything regarding the communist structure itself. We are convinced that these are steps to be made immediately not just by us but by everyone who wants to do communist work. All the experiences we know of from Western Europe confirm their full validity. Every communist must embody the words of Mariátegui: “if revolution demands violence, authority, discipline, I am for violence, authority, discipline. I accept them, as a whole with all their horrors without cowardly reservations.”

A necessary annotation

The events in the city of Paris last week are an expression of the epoch of “50 to 100 years”. It is as Hollande said – an act of war. It’s an expression that the war the imperialists wage against he oppressed countries “comes back home”. As communists it must be clear for us, that in such a situation our solidarity doesn’t belong to the imperialist nation but to the international proletariat and the peoples of the world. The imperialists and all those profiting from its bloodsucking have no right to demand that we show more solidarity to the civil victims in the imperialist countries than to the hundred­ thousand­ times more victims in the oppressed countries. We are and stay revolutionary defeatists and wish the defeat of the imperialist state in which we live.

Forward serving the proletarian world revolution!

Ten years after the great uprising of the proletarian youth in France it’s an urgent necessity that the communists fulfil their role. We have to make up a lot of leeway in this part of the world. We believe that it’s necessary to strengthen the exchange in theory and practice and learn from each other. We think this conference is a good initiative and we greet the efforts made by the organizers. We are convinced that it’ll be an impulse for the development of the communist movement on this continent.

Let’s fight together serving the proletarian world revolution!

Long live Marxism­-Leninism­-Maoism, principally Maoism!

Learn from Chairman Gonzalo!

For the reconstitution of the Communist Party of Germany!

It is right to rebel!

People’s War until communism!

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