The capital city, with one-third of the nation’s population; macrocephalic capital of an oppressed and backward nation, is a great concentration of economic, political and military power, a gigantic mirror of the general crisis in Peruvian society; an immense drum of national and international repercussion; but at the same time, mainly the primary center of the Peruvian proletariat, prime witness of the hunger and struggles of inexhaustible legions of popular masses, flesh of the flesh of our heroic people who constantly toil, day after day, working and fighting at the factories and in the neighborhoods and shantytowns.
Based on these outstanding characteristics, we can judge the fundamental and transcendental importance of waging the People’s War also in the capital; more so if the road from the country to the city, of surrounding the cities from the countryside, must be crowned, after the arduous struggle of the protracted war, in the insurrection in the cities and mainly so in the capital city; especially if we keep in mind the peculiarities of the People’s War in Peru, which follows the road from the countryside to the city, but develops the struggle in both, with the countryside the main part, as it still is, and the city as a complement, as was set in the “Outline of the Armed Struggle” approved in the VIII Plenum of the Central Committee.
Starting from that premise, part of the Party’s propaganda reaches the capital to profoundly transform and shape its ideological and political foundations; there the proletariat and the people receive the class ideology, turning into the strength of their arms the messages they get in their minds: the “Interview to President Gonzalo”; the poster “Nine years of People’s War”; the graphic publication “Day of Heroism. Third Anniversary”; President Mao’s “Nothing is impossible to whomever dares to climb the heights”; Lenin’s anthology “Imperialism is the waiting room to the social revolution of the proletariat”; or the pamphlets “The proletarian revolution and Khrushchev’s revisionism” and “On the dictatorship of the Proletariat”; or “In commemoration of the 40th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution” and “The Party, the People’s War and the Boycott.”
Among the guerrilla actions shaking up Lima, during the First Campaign of Developing, in the last third of 1989, we conducted armed propaganda and agitation, the successive campaigns developed with the masses, with the proletariat, the leading class of the revolution and the poor masses of the neighborhoods and shantytowns, the base of party work in the capital; an intensive campaign of flyer distribution in support of the class struggle, always aiming at the deepest sectors of the people, who will transform the old society. This form of struggle consists from the simple painting of slogans in people’s boards, up to the conspicuous murals painted at San Marcos University, which proclaim the rebellion of the youth; from the vibrant leaflets in the hands, to the huge posters stamping the words “People’s War” on the walls, showcases, buses, trains; from the red flag commanded by the hammer and the sickle, which announces the new proletarian dawn, to the thundering unleashed by the explosive charge; from the steeled spirit of the class which animates the marches, up to the vigorous overflow of the armed mobilizations which explodes in blockades and flaming tires of Molotovs and noise bombs.
In synthesis, from the idea that arms the mind to the shining hands in guerrilla actions. The sabotages too express themselves, like the one at Renasa, action in support of the struggling mining proletarians during the month of September. In October, car bombs at the embassies of the USSR and China and at the United States Consulate. The actions against the two imperialists superpowers are part of our answer to the new global counterrevolutionary offensive, which is headed by Gorbachev, Deng and their gangs of traitors. The burning of buses, about ten of them were burned, as well as others before and after October, is another form of sabotage that has had a great impact, which hit mainly State enterprises, since the State uses those enterprises politically, trying to break up the people’s struggles. The electrical blackouts are another type of sabotage that has importance and repercussions each time.
In September, October, November and December there have been blackouts of major dimensions, spanning not just from Marcona, in ICA, up to Chiclayo, in Lambayeque, going through the Department of Lima and mainly in the capital, but also hitting all of the Coastal and central Sierra; but besides their duration with all their sequels they often lasts more than ten days. In observing how the state handles blackouts and their derived problems, we see clearly whose interests it protects and whom it benefits, that is, to whom they serve first and better. Selective annihilation hits hard the snitches, recalcitrant enemies of the class and the people, and other individuals with debts of blood; let’s mention only two: first the Commander of the National Police and sub chief of Interpol, who in Ayacucho bathed in the blood of the people, murdering the children of the masses. Second, this is recent, the former president of the Social Security (IPSS), F.S. Salaverry, who was a sharp knife in the heart of every insured in Peru, a hated trafficker of public health and daily murderer of all the retirees in the country; his annihilation hit particularly hard the bureaucracy (one of the fundamental pillars of the State, the principal one after the armed forces.)
The hypocritical wailing of some is not truly for the justly annihilated, but a venting of anxiety by the guilty conscience of the big oppressor bureaucrats, over whose heads pend the implacable word of people’s justice, which may take a while to be accomplished but it is sure to come. The guerrilla combats materialized in the attack of the main police station at the San Ildefonso Market on October 2; annihilated were a lieutenant and five subordinates, according to bourgeois newspapers. On December 15, 1989, an ambush of a Peruvian army bus transporting 35 or 40 effective of the army intelligence service (SIE), trapped at the crossing of Zarumilla Avenue and Jiron Pedregal, in the San Martin de Porres district.
Four were annihilated and 15 wounded, some seriously, according to reaction’s own newspapers. The armed strike of November 3rd deserves special mention. This strike in the capital acquired great importance since it targeted directly the municipal elections, and for this reason it merited the concentrated fury of the reactionaries, revisionists and all of their lackeys in general. They mobilized heaven and earth trying to break it up; but when they saw it was uncontainable, they appealed to their usual great argument, unrestrained violence, and there we had the real cause of the brutal and widespread repression at Victoria Square.
There, the National Police once more unleashed its bloodthirsty fury, and brutally assaulted the multitude of friends and relatives of those victims of repression who marched in the hundreds, carrying wreaths, flowers and banners, led by the Committee of Families of Prisoners of War and Disappeared, to the cemetery, in order to render tribute to the Heroes of the People fallen in the Rebellion in the Luminous Trenches of Combat, and to the rest of the fighters and children of the people who have given their lives for the revolution and shed their blood for the People’s War. But the defying courage of the people, the militant defense of the fighters and the support of the masses, shone to confront the reactionary ignominy. For that reason, it deserves our firmest rejection, the treacherous “condemnation” against the brutally attacked marchers, not only by our recalcitrant enemies, but also by those who call themselves “revolutionary,” who in collusion with reaction “condemned” the victims of repression, and in essence, as usual they supported the government and reaction.
However, repression proved useless to contain the preparations of the strike, which directly threatened the electoral hacks; the self-proclaimed “Left Unity” (IU) jumped to the forefront. Henry Pease, IU candidate to mayor of Lima, jumped to defend what he called “democracy” and against the purported “terrorism”; and he convoked a de facto anticommunist crusade of fascist odor, under the banner of a “civic march,” invoking unity of all “democrats” at a meeting held on November 3rd, the same day as the strike. Their meeting was conducted under the umbrella and protection of genocidal army and police guns, and under the “spiritual” mantle of the Catholic Church; present were the candidates, the bosses of the reactionary parties, among them (of course) the revisionist chiefs, including the “caudillos” of the workers unions bureaucracy; first and foremost was Vargas Llosa, for now the narrow winner of the first round in the elections, with whom H. Pease united in an embrace of black collusion and contention.
What did IU and its candidate Pease get out of this meritorious service? The defeat of Pease and IU in the municipal elections of 90 and a major disaster in the April [presidential elections], was a just and well- deserved repudiation by the people. But neither the anticommunist march was able to contain the armed strike on November 3, which was a resounding victory for the proletariat and the people, one further step toward the major incorporation of the masses to the People’s War. “It doesn’t matter what the traitors say!” It is not possible to speak of the People’s War, of the toil it entails, without having very much in mind the men and women, militant fighters and children of the masses, who every hour of the day, twenty-four fours each day, fight an uphill battle in the dungeons of reaction; those who throughout the country built the Luminous Trenches of Combat out of those dungeons; those who on June 19, 1986, by shedding their own blood gave us the “Day of Heroism,” a historic milestone of the rebellion, those who never bent their knees, rose Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo Thought to the heights and do it and will continue to fight for the victory of the People’s War, no matter what kind of trench it happens to be in.
This is the direction of ten years of People’s War and, in synthesis, the great development achieved on its tenth anniversary. Its uncontainable and ever growing expansion materialized in the multiplication of the Open People’s Committees, achieved precisely in 1989, a historic victory and transcendental step towards conquering Power countrywide. Then, what does the purported “swamping” of the People’s War claimed by reactionaries consist of? It consists simply of a black vomit spewed by the reactionaries and their hacks. Over this supposed “swamping” they carry out a taunted and widely publicized campaign of “strategic failure of Sendero,” which they try to keep up, besides, with their supposed “abandoning of the revolutionary road” and “non achievement of goals.” What is their base for this supposed “abandoning of the road?” No other than the advancement of the People’s War in the cities!
An old publicity trick by the reactionary press, tried in much the same way during the elections of 1985, which is not simply a coincidence. However, what is real and practical are the continuous and victorious actions materialized to date, and how the war flows on the road of surrounding the cities from the countryside and which is applied firmly and consequently. Moreover, according to our specific conditions, we apply this road following the norm of developing simultaneously the People’s War in countryside and city, the countryside being the principal and the city a complement.
Dialectically, the progress in the cities is an evidence of the development of the road from countryside to city, and the perspective to transfer the vertex of the People’s War from the countryside to the city to conquer Power in all the country. All of which is in strict conformity with the process of surrounding the cities from the countryside; and consequently the People’s War in Peru, is the application of the theory of the People’s War of President Mao Zedong, as part of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, applied to the specific conditions of the Peruvian Revolution. On the other hand, what is the basis for their empty chatter of “non-achievement of goals?” On this, they viciously traffic with revolutionary secrets, since we can publicize general policies and even concrete policies in certain fields, but not addressing specific details, which obviously only serve the enemy.
Thus, competing among themselves on who serve best their masters (reaction and imperialism, mainly Yankee), they cry out loud: “they haven’t met their goals,” “the People’s Guerrilla Army doesn’t exist,” “there is no New Power,” “they didn’t achieve the strategic equilibrium.” If the People’s Army didn’t exist, then what armed organization has carried out more than 120,000 guerrilla actions (1980-1989)? What armed organization is developing the People’s War in almost the entire country? What armed organization have the reactionary armed and police forces been fighting for ten years? Our military practice is made of solid and stunning realities and only an armed force like the People’s Guerrilla Army can fulfill it and maintain it.
The thing is that People’s Army is an army of the new type, therefore its construction, fighting methods and development follow other principles [than the reactionary armies]; President Mao taught us: “You fight in your way and we in ours; we fight when we can win and retreat when we cannot”; great principle explained in 1965 as follows: “In other words, you rely on modern weapons and we rely in the masses of people with a high revolutionary conscience; you play with your superiority and we with ours; you have your combat methods and we have ours.”
CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
Ediciones Bandera Roja, May 1990