Present crisis and prospect of change in Nepal-C.P. Gajurel ‘Gaurav’

 

Nepal is now undergoing through a severe crisis apparently too difficult to resolve. The latest crisis emerged and reached to the climax, when Baburam Bhattarai, Prime minister of care taker government, declared election of next Constituent Assembly (CA) by virtually assassinating it from carrying out its two different functions of making constitution as well as working as a legislature. There was still possibility of survival of the legislative functioning of the CA, by the consensus of the political parties.

But Bhattarai and Prachanda, chairman of Unified Maoist party, opted for terminating both the functions of CA arbitrarily at midnight of June 27. It seems that this event has certainly correlation with their design of liquidating the People’s Liberation Army. They are the leaders whose political trend has been recognized as neo-revisionism and their capitulationism is acknowledged as ‘national capitulationism’ and ‘class capitulationism’.

There is a wide spread speculation that ‘declaration of next election of CA’ was well planned and under the design of foreign powers. This designated move resulted in shutting all the doors of constitutional ways, virtually compelling the country to go in severe constitutional crisis.

Who is to be blamed?
There were eleven thematic committees of the CA, assigned to prepare the drafts, reports and concepts, which were supposed to be the materials of different chapters of the new constitution. According to the rules, based on the materials of the  thematic committees, after a thorough discussion, the CA would formally endorse by a vote of two third majority making it part of the new constitution. All these materials were duly submitted to the CA in the stipulated date as scheduled by the full meeting of the CA. According to the rules, the thematic committee materials were supposed to be managed by the ‘constitutional committee’, to place it before the full house for discussion.

But major parties, namely Unified Maoist party, Nepali Congress, UML along with Madhesi Morcha decided to form a sub-committee called “dispute resolution sub- committee”, under the constitutional committee, comprised of “senior leaders” of three major parties and alliance of Madhesi, which was headed by Prachanda. This “sub-committee” completely blocked the reports and drafts prepared by the subsequent thematic committees from being moved to the constitutional committee and then to the CA.Thus the “senior leaders” of major parties completely  captivated the 601 member CA, by not allowing it to function by stalling all the materials and giving no agenda to the CA for discussion, till the CA was finally declared dead. It is clear that the “dispute resolution sub-committee” was fully blamable to create such a crisis.

So, it is quite evident that six or seven “most senior leaders of major political parties” who conspired to block all the materials of making new constitution are solely responsible for preventing CA to write a new constitution in the repeatedly extended date. The “dispute resolution committee” was used as an instrument to paralyze the CA. Prachanda as convener of “dispute resolution committee” is most guilty man along with other leaders as mentioned above, for complete failure of the CA to provide a new constitution and for the aftermath events of crisis.

There was still an option of keeping legislative function of the CA intact and enabling it to accomplish the remaining task of the CA. But Bhattarai declared it dead by announcing election of the next CA, which is not even imagined by interim constitution. So the duo is fully liable to be blamed for causing this constitutional crisis.

The political crisis of the present day Nepal has confirmed the fact that the “major parties” and their “senior leaders” as mentioned above deserve the blame for the political crisis, and for the worst situation that we are facing now. This fact has to be established in public. It is a well-known fact that the ruling class parties are unable to lead the political process. So, the country needs new alternative. It has become a historical necessity that revolutionary alternative should emerge and lead the political process which can resolve the confronting problems.

Contradictions intensify
Unity among the “most senior leaders of major political parties” has been shattered. The difference that started at the point of Bhattarai to step down from PM culminated after the episode of June 27. Leaders of NC and UML are accusing Prachanda and Bhattarai that they have betrayed the 5 points agreement that they had signed, in which it was categorically accepted that Bhattarai would resign. But Prachanda has declared publicly that the 5 point agreement had no relevance.

They have completely failed to achieve unity and the situation is heading towards confrontation. Bhattarai has completely failed in all fronts and independent reports speculate that he is leading Nepal to a failed state. But this man is more intent to protect the post of PM than to solve these problems. Facts have proved that it is most corrupt government in the history of Nepal. Patriotic people of Nepal hate him as a national betrayer and puppet of foreign powers which he is unable to deny. Quite recently he acknowledged before the journalists that ‘key of Nepal is somewhere outside’. People are asking him to divulge where the key really lies.

After June 27 midnight episode, the ruling class parties have plunged in such a severe crisis that it is not so easy for them to come out of it. Contradiction among them has centered at the question of ‘government’. Bhattarai, who heads most hated government in history, has been reduced to minority. Opposition parties, mass organisations, civil society activists and so many other are demanding his removal, but he is repeating the same verbiage that he will not tender his resignation unless and until another PM is nominated by consensus, which he is pretending to remain at the post. Protest is going on in the street to force Bhattarai to step down. But he seems to glue in the chair until foreign power wants him to stay. Thus the fight for the government is not going to be ended very shortly.

President of Nepal called the parties registered in the election commission to find way to come out of the crisis and expressed fear that the country may be declared as a ‘failed state’. He asked them to arrive at consensus as soon as possible. Right contrary that the dog fights among the ruling parties is escalating.

In another event, Prof S D Muni, an Indian professor and known as Nepal specialist and think tank of Indian government, was said to be instrumental in making bridge between Prachanda- Bhattarai and office of the Indian Prime minister (PMO) during the time of People’s War in Nepal. Mr. Muni in a book release programme at Kathmandu revealed the fact that the duo made a humble request and submitted a written petition to the PMO assuring that they will never do anything that does not correspond to the Indian interest. Surrender is considered heinous act, more so in case of leadership. Serious question is being raised if they had to surrender why did they work out a military plan during the People’s War “to fight a tunnel war against Indian expansionism”? That is the reason why, Prachanda and Bhattarai are blamed for the lives of over 15,000 people. Reality has proved that it is true. The hidden story of how Prachanda and Bhattarai succeeded in becoming successive PM of Nepal, has thus been revealed.

Class nature of the crisis
In a class based society there are conflicting interests of existing classes in the society. One important question is, what is the class nature of this political crisis?

Nepal is still a semi-feudal and semi or neocolonial society. The monarchy, which represented the highest form of organization of feudal class, has been brought down, and republic is in place. But the rule of bureaucrat and comprador capitalists and remnants of feudalism still prevail in the state power and society of Nepal.

Nepal is a semi or neo colonial state which is oppressed by imperialism in general and Indian expansionism in particular. There are many unequal treatise signed between Nepal and India in the past. ‘Treaty of 1950,‘Treaty of 1965 ‘Gandak treaty of 1959′, ‘Tanakpur Agreement of 1992′, ‘Comprehensive Mahakali Treaty of 1996′, ‘Upper Karnali Project 2008′, ‘Koshi High Dam’, ‘Arun III’ and so on are some glaring examples. Some agreements which were extremely unequal and dangerous for national security were not signed even during the period of acknowledged pro-Indian governments of Nepal, have been signed by present coalition government.

Bhattarai signed infamous ‘BIPPA agreement’ in 2012; energy minister in a joint press statement in 2012 agreed to expedite ‘Pancheshwar Development Authority’, ‘completion of DPR of Koshi High Dam Project’ and the government has signed a secret deal with I L &FS company of India, in which major 14 air ports, including the lone Tribhuvan international airport, situated at Kathmandu would be handed over. So there are genuine reasons to blame the present government led by Bhattarai, which has been acknowledged as a betrayer of nation and puppet government of India. It has further pushed Nepal to neo colonization.

Therefore, the crisis that we realize today is the creation of this system and leaders of major political parties. Only revolutionary forces of Nepal can and should resolve the crisis. So there is no reason for the revolutionaries to be frustrated from the ongoing crisis. It is quite evident that objective situation of

Nepal is favourable for the revolution, but subjective situation does not correspond to that. The betrayal of Prachanda and Baburam to the revolution of Nepal is a setback to advance and complete the revolution. But this setback is temporary. Revolutionaries can and should overcome this temporary setback.

Question of United Front
Question of making united front is a very significant question for every revolution to succeed. Nepal cannot be its exception. How to forge a united front depends on the specific condition of a country. It is necessary to identify the forces to be united with. Our party has clearly identified the forces of the united front as follows : working class, peasantry, patriotic, republican, federalist forces, women, dalits, Madhesis, people of remote areas. We are working hard to forge such a united front and hope we will be successful.

The proposed round table meeting can also be considered as a basis of forging temporary unity among likeminded forces. It can also be used as a platform to bring all the forces who like change and transformation of Nepalese society by making new constitution of People’s Federal Republic.

Parties in the government are trying to make one grouping, for which Baluatar seems to be very active. This front is formed to safeguard the hated government. N C and UML have created other grouping calling it as opposition alliance. They have also single agenda of creating pressure to bring down present government and grab it. They have no other pro-people agenda.

We are different from these groupings. We are trying to develop a new and revolutionary front. We have generated a new front, ‘Federal People’s Republican Front of Nepal’. Its aim is to struggle for resolving the confronting problems of national sovereignty and independence, constitution of people’s federal republic, people’s livelihood. It is becoming clear the practice that already failed parties and leaders are unable to solve, only the new front can solve the confronting problems faced by the country and the people.

Prospect of revolutionary movement
There is no eminent solution to the existing crisis. We have already discussed about different aspects of the crisis. It is a paradox that the same leaders who have thrown the country into such severe crisis are claiming shamelessly that they will provide the solution. But the people have no hope with this fraudulent claim.

The creators of the crisis may arrive at any understanding or compromise when they find a common point of their interest. But the real solution of the problem is far from the reach of the common and concerned people. For the common people it will be nothing but a political fraud. So it will not be acceptable by the people.

Though the people of Nepal have risen up number of times, but they are always betrayed by the “leaders” who played the role of political frauds, and turned to be traitors. It has been repeated once again. It is quite obvious that the task of revolution for real change still remains unfulfilled. There are some unavoidable reasons which indicate that next historical mass movement is inevitable. There is no sign of real change in the life of common people; the crisis has engulfed the whole society; revolutionary consciousness in society is high; subjective strength of revolutionary force is not so weak and international situation is not so unfavourable. Those who have betrayed the revolution will be exposed but the revolutionary movement will not be terminated.

Every revolution brings out total change in the society and fulfills the promise being made during the revolution. But in case of Nepal, the common people, the oppressed and needy were unable to get any substantial benefit that could bring any change in their lives. Visibly the life of the downtrodden has not been changed. The demands of the workers, peasants, women, dalits, Madhesis, Janajatis have not been fulfilled. Problem of unemployment has further accentuated. The economic development of the country is going down. The national sovereignty of the country is in danger.

In conclusion, Nepal is confronting with a severe political crisis for which “senior most leaders of major political parties” are solely to be blamed. So, it is quite natural that the people have lost their faith on them. This crisis is escalating instead of being reduced. It has been repeatedly demonstrated that “main stream politics and politicians” have lost their credibility and capacity of resolving the existing crisis.

What has been stated above clearly demonstrate that the Nepalese society requires change. There are clear signs that Nepalese society will definitely go for change. To bring out the change, revolutionary movement is unavoidable. Emergence of revolutionary movement in Nepal is inevitable.

From Maoist Outlook

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