The act of expropriation of the bourgeois by the state apparatus of the proletarian vanguard is not in anyway the consummation of socialism as a static mode of production but is on the contrary no more then the necessary precondition for the continuation of the class struggle of the proletariat existing as a political subject in its party and mass organizations against the reproduction of capitalist production relations at a new and more advanced stage.
Within the capitalist social formation-itself a constant struggle between the old decedent production relations and the new forces of production the proletariat and the proletarianized popular masses and their resistance-the dictatorship of the bourgeois is the state form embodying the political project of the bourgeois the stabilization of the decedent production relations and the suppression of the masses. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the political project of the destruction of the decedent production relations in a protracted process of class struggle on every level.
But this dictatorship is not a mode of production, it is the use of organized coercion to carry forward the long process of transition from capitalist to communist production relations-which in oppressed countries may also entail a initial period of popular democratic revolution.
The destruction of the hierarchal dichotomies between mental and manual, productive and reproductive labor, the progressive abolition of the separation of the producers from the means of production and between production units themselves-these are the tasks of the proletarian state.
As such the idea that the continuation of the class struggle under the dictatorship of the proletariat means only the revolutionizing of the superstructure in order to conform to an already fully socialist economic base is fundamentally incorrect.
The continued reproduction of bourgeois ideology in the superstructure can only be a reflection of the continued reproduction of capitalist production relations within the economic base despite their formal restriction by the proletarian state.
The capitalist roaders in positions of authority, the restorationist project of the bourgeois within the party are only the subjective expression on the level of political action of the inevitable continuation of capitalist production relations during the transitional dictatorship.
The continuation of hierarchical divisions of labor within the production process, and the continuation of value relations in the form of wage labor and exchange between enterprises leaves open the possibility of the restoration of bourgeois dictatorship.
The formal transformation of judicial ownership relations leaves the decadent production relations intact absent a continual class struggle of the masses to smash these relations, a struggle waged both by means of and against the proletarian state.
The attempts of the USSR to impose the new communist production relations wholesale by military bureaucratic means-an attempt dictated by the state of siege imposed by world imperialism ran aground on the resistance of the petty commodity producers leading to the stagnation of NEP.
The rapid industrialization and collectivization beginning with the first five year plan opened up the possibility of continuation of the socialist offensive-however the decisive defeat of the cultural revolutionary tendencies by the late 30s left the proletarian state to rot from inside at the hands of a bourgeoisfied bureaucracy promoted from within the working class whose inevitable product was revisionism.
The theory and practice of struggle against the continuation of capitalist production relations generated by the left wing of the CCP and the mass movements of the GPCR from the attempts to transition away from the wage system towards “free supply” during the Great Leap Forward to the leveling restructuring of the educational system during the later period of the GPCR represent a qualitative advance in the struggle against the reproduction of bourgeois relations under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Since the Cultural Revolution the lines of demarcation are clear: One either mobilizes the masses continually to struggle against the bourgeois production relations and ideological superstructure in the process of dynamic transition towards communism or one deploys Marxism as social fascism in defense of state monopoly capitalism and the dictatorship of the revisionist bourgeois.