Martyrdom : 20-10-2008
Com. Reena was born in the Kovasi family in Pamulur village of Konta tehsil, Dantewada district. Reena was known as Aithe at home. She belonged to a peasant family. She had two elder brothers and one sister. She worked in CNM when she was at home. She joined the PLGA in 2006 and worked in the Kistaram squad. She was transferred to Company-2 in August 2006. She mingled well with all the comrades in the company. She was much disciplined in her personal life too and took part whole heartedly in all the works in the company. She worked as part of the company CNM and taught song and dance to her soldiers.
She learnt from her mistakes and advanced in her work. Once in a firing she could not stand firmly. When she was criticized for that, she took that lesson to heart and had implemented it later. In the Ranibodili attack she fought bravely. She served as a model by fighting daringly in that attack. In the Pullem and Pamulavaya firings, Com. Reena faced the enemy bravely. In this ambush, five enemy soldiers were killed and eight weapons were seized.
In the Modakpally ambush on October 20, 2008 Com. Reena was fulfilling the responsibility given to her and was martyred in that firing. She fought with the enemy till her last breath. She was a good cultural activist and a good soldier too. She was always with a smile on her face. She was a model to all youngsters. Let us intensify people’s war to fulfill the dreams of the martyrs. Let us pledge to carry forward the aims of the brave martyrs of Modakpally ambush.
15 security men, 1 civilian killed in major Naxal ambush
In a brazen daytime attack, Naxals on Tuesday ambushed a security team killing 15 personnel including 11 of the CRPF and also a civilian in a chilling reminder of the 2010 massacre of 76 securitymen in the same area in the worst-hit Sukma district of Chhattisgarh. The attack at 10.15 a.m. at Jeerum Nullah, 400 km from Raipur, came when a contingent of 44 joint security forces personnel was trapped and struck by heavy fire and landmine blasts while it was out for an operational task in the jungles of Tongapal, close to the Dantewada and Jeerum Ghati axis, notorious for Naxal violence. The location of the major ambush by a large group of Naxals is close to the Jeeram Ghati area in Sukma district in the Bastar region where the top Congress leadership of the State was wiped out by Maoists in May 2013 when they killed 25 people.
“11 CRPF personnel and four state policemen were killed. Inspector Subhash of CRPF was leading the squad and he has also been killed,” DIG (SIB) of Chattisgarh police Dipanshu Kabra told reporters. A civilian was also killed in the attack, he said, adding three people have been injured. An assistant commandant rank officer of CRPF is also believed to among the victims, sources said. Chhattisgarh’s Additional Director-General of Police (Intelligence) Mukesh Gupta said the joint team was attacked by a large group of Naxals numbering close to 100. A large manhunt has been launched to nab the attackers who escaped in the thick jungles.
It was not immediately known if the Naxals had suffered any casualties. Police sources said the deaths of the securitymen were caused due to bullet injuries. Chattisgarh Chief Minister Raman Singh has cancelled his scheduled programme and convened an emergency meeting of security officials in Raipur. “The area is heavily mined and hence reinforcements are treading cautiously,” CRPF Inspector-General (Operations) in Delhi Zulfiquar Hasan told PTI. The incident took place in the same area where Naxals had killed 76 police personnel in April 2010, the biggest blow to security forces till this time in anti-Naxal operations. In New Delhi, Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde said details are still awaited.
The squad that included 30 CRPF and 14 State police personnel was conducting a road opening task when Naxals triggered landmine blasts and firing. Sources said two IAF helicopters have been sent in from Jagdalpur and Raipur to the ambush area with reinforcements drawn from the CoBRA battalion and CRPF. According to initial information, the joint security squad was deployed near the Takbada village for a route sanitising duty for smooth movement of a convoy of the security forces. The jawans of CRPF belong to its 80th battalion which is deployed for anti-Naxal operations in the State. The State police is suspecting that a group of Naxals who may have crossed into Chattisgarh from Odisha could be behind the deadly attack. According to police officials, Naxals have looted at least 15 automatic weapons belonging to the jawans.
Police also suspect that ultras might have booby-trapped body of a slain policeman, which is lying near the Nullah. A team of explosive experts has been dispatched to the spot to defuse the bomb. Officials further said that security personnel were on alert after local unit gathered intelligence on the presence of naxals from the state and neighbouring Odisha in the area. State Governor Shekhar Dutt has condemned the incident, terming it “a cruel and ghastly act”.
INDIA: ADVANTAGE SQUANDERED IN BIHAR – ANALYSIS
In the night of February 22, 2014, around 150 heavily armed Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres attacked the Amas Police Station in the Gaya District of Bihar, bringing traffic to a grinding halt on both the New Delhi and Kolkata side of the Grand Trunk Road. The exchange of fire between the Maoists and the Police continued for nearly two hours before the Maoists retreated. Though the Maoists failed to inflict any casualty on the Police side, a civilian taxi driver was killed in the crossfire.
Reports suggested that the two sides exchanged about 600 rounds of fire. On December 31, 2014, a group of nearly 50 Maoist cadres had attacked a highway construction site in Gaya District and torched construction machinery. On July 17, 2013, at least three Special Auxiliary Police (SAP) troopers and two guards of a private road construction company were killed and seven others were injured, when over 125 Maoist cadres attacked the base camp of the company at Goh in Aurangabad District.
On June 13, 2013, a group of around 200 Maoist cadres had attacked the Dhanbad-Patna Intercity Express at the Bhalui halt near Jamui District, killing three persons and injuring six passengers. Swarming attacks have become a rarity in most other Maoist-afflicted States, but their persistence in Bihar demonstrates both the capacity of the rebels in the State, and their efforts to stage a comeback there. Nine of 13 such incidents recorded in 2013 occurred in Bihar alone, with Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh accounting for two each. This comes at a time when the State had the opportunity to go after a substantially weakened Maoist network.
After securing some tentative but significant gains against the Maoists in 2011 and 2012, Bihar appears to have squandered the opportunity, with its anti-Maoist campaign losing focus. There simply cannot be any acceptable explanation for a State losing 27 Security Force personnel [Union Ministry of Home Affairs (UMHA) data] to Maoist attacks in 2013 without inflicting a single casualty on the Maoists. According UMHA data, a total of 69 persons – 42 civilians and 27 SF personnel – were killed in Bihar in Naxalite (Left Wing Extremism) violence in 2013, as against 49 persons – 34 civilians, 10 SF personnel and five extremists – were killed in 2012.
Significantly, this yields a 270 per cent Year-on-Year (YoY) escalation in SF fatalities, even as the Maoists managed to reduce their own losses to zero. Civilian killings by Maoists also increased significantly. Partial data compiled by the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) confirms these trends. However, SATP records two Maoist fatalities in 2013, of cadres killed by the Tritiya Prastuti Committee (TPC), a breakaway faction of the CPI-Maoist, which has turned into its bitter rival.
In the first two months of 2014, the Maoists have already killed at least five civilians while two Maoists have been killed. Prima facie, the Maoist problem in Bihar appears to be worsening again. Apart from the adverse fatalities trends, the arrest and surrender data is also discouraging. 311 Maoists were arrested in 2013, as against 426 in 2012, while just three Maoists surrendered in 2013, as against 42 in 2012.
Post-Sukma ambush, alert in 3 Maoist-hit districts of UP
Lucknow: An alert has been sounded in the three Maoist-hit districts of Uttar Pradesh following the Naxal attack in Sukma district of Chattisgarh on Tuesday. Talks have been held with the regional coordinator of the central paramilitary forces SN Sawat and alert has been sounded in view of today’s attack in Chattishgarh , a home department spokesman said. Alert was sounded in Sonebhadra, Chandauli and Mirzapur the three-Naxal hit districts in UP, the spokesman added.
Chhattisgarh Maoist attack leaves security establishment in a tizzy
Raipur, March 11, (ANI): Talking to media persons following the daring Maoist attack on security personnel in the Tongpa-Jheerum area of Chhattisgarh’s Jagadalpur District on Monday, R.K. Vij, Additional Director General (ADG), (Naxal Operations), said that full picture of the extent of the attack on security personnel is yet to be ascertained. “Senior security personnel have already reached the spot where the Naxal attack occured. Only then, will we be able to tell you the exact number of casualties. Initial information, which is trickling in from our sources, suggests that three security personnel were dead, and their bodies have been recovered. Another three, who were injured, have been rushed to Tongpal,” Vij said.
“The Maoist attack on a team of CRPF and State Reseve Police force took place when they were on regular duty and were inspecting the roads. The epicenter of the attack was barely five kilometres away from the Tongpa-Jheerum area,” Vij added. E.N. Ram Mohan Rao, former Director General of the Border Security Force (BSF), who is also an expert on Naxal operations, suggested that the government must delve deeper as to why Left-Wing Extremists (LWE) were fighting against the state, and called for urgent remedy.
“Tell me, why does a common person take up guns. It is because when he has been pushed too hard against the wall by the state machinery, that he starts acting against it. Hence, we must first understand the root cause behind which the Maoists are fighting against the state.” Rao said. On the ground, he squarely blamed the CRPF officers for lack of understanding and poor combat techniques for the tragedy.
Martyrdom : 12-08-2008
Com. Soni was born in the village Kounde of Bhamragadh area. Her mother died due to illness when Soni was still a child. She had a younger brother. Her father married again. After Vanitha grew up she used to work in other people’s homes for a living. She also took up household responsibilities in her home. Though she had many responsibilities, she was always present whenever the squad visited her village. She became a member of KAMS in 2001.
The desire to join the PLGA increased in her as she became active in the revolutionary activities. She finally joined the PLGA on May 22, 2008. She began working in CNM. Suddenly she became ill and died on August 12, 2008. She worked as a PR just for three months but she became a source of inspiration for all mass organization members with her great enthusiasm.
YOUR SOLDIERS, OUR SOLDIERS – ANALYSIS
In July 2013, a commander of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) asserted that the fighting army of the outfit he represents has a definite edge over the security forces. He said, “Our honesty, dedication and selflessness, coupled with public support, have kept us firm and strong over the years.” Maoist literature is replete with such affirmations. While such statements are mostly rhetorical, typical of an extremist movement trying to assert moral superiority vis-a-vis its adversaries, these do contain some truths. At least in terms of attachment to an objective, the extremists are much ahead of the security forces who are merely to trying to prevent an end game.
To begin with, the country’s political leaders had less faith in the security forces. In his address at the Chief Minister’s Conference of Internal Security in New Delhi on 20 December 2007, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said, “Inadequate, ill-equipped, ill-trained, poorly-motivated personnel cannot take on Naxalite extremists who are increasingly getting better equipped and organised.” In the next six years, enormous resources were spent to create a force that can discard these loopholes. The country continues to incur such expenses in modernisation programmes. Improvements, as a result, have been achieved in terms of amassing a large contingent of fighting men, building on their capacities, and also the equipments in their possession. The days when the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) used to admit that the insurgents are better armed than the state police force personnel are far behind.
Most of the police posts today are much better protected and are no longer sitting ducks they used to be half a decade back. While a large scope for improvement in the operating standards remains, the security forces combating the Maoists are much better dressed, fed, and equipped today than earlier. Contrast this imagery of a security force personnel with that of a Maoist. In spite of the reports of the CPI-Maoist collecting millions of rupees as extortion and establishing arms smuggling networks through India’s northeast, living conditions of an average rebel has not undergone any improvement over the years. His/ her life is constantly on the run with access to the most basic diet just enough to survive and to crude weapons (only the senior cadres have access to sophisticated weapons) for purposes of inflicting fatalities on the enemy as well as self-defence.
It is apparent from the descriptions of the media persons who have spent time in Maoist camps that with the state’s military approach gathering steam, such operating conditions have become even more precarious and inhospitable. While one can go on debating the way the CPI-Maoist has been able to transform the cadres recruited through a range of methods into die hard revolutionaries, the fact remains that the steadfast attachment to an end game invariably differentiates the extremists from the security force personnel. While doubting the gallantry quotient among the security forces is none of the purposes of this article, the reality is that the left-wing extremism affected theatres of the country, much like the insurgency-affected states of the Northeast, are marked by a contest between resolute attachment to an ideology and personal bravery.
Somehow, the rigorous training modules and expenses on firearms incurred on the security forces have not been able to bridge the crucial gap between competency and commitment. Data on desertion among the security forces and surrender of Maoist cadres provide a useful, albeit not the most ideal, empirical evidence for this argument. Between 2009 and 2012, central police organisations like the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Border Security Force (BSF) and the Indo Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) lost 36,618 personnel to resignations and voluntary retirement.
In 2013, another 8,500 personnel left their services. Experts attribute such mass-scale attrition to reasons such as stress, continued deployment in conflict zones and absence of peace time postings; hostile operating environments; and lack of basic facilities. In comparison, 1533 Maoist cadres surrendered between 2009 and 2013. Some attributed their decisions to an ideological disconnect, some to ill health and some others to the hardships in the forests. Even considering the fact that not all the resigning security force personnel were deployed in Maoist affected areas and also that the total strength of the paramilitary forces is several multiples of the number of the Maoists, the retiree/ surrendered personnel to total force ratio is alarmingly higher among the security forces than the extremists. In simple terms, in spite of much worse operational conditions, most Maoists chose to remain with the outfit.
Maoist leader held, huge ammunition seized in Jharkhand
Medininagar: A CPI (Maoist) sub-zonal commander and his associate were arrested and a huge quantity of arms and ammunition was seized from them in the jungle area under Panki police station in Palamau district on Monday, police said. CPI (Maoist) sub-zonal commander Ankit Yadav and his associate Sahid Ansari were arrested during the anti-Naxal operation launched in view of the forthcoming general polls, SP Y S Ramesh said.
Acting on a tip-off that some Maoists will be assembling in the jungle, state district police initiated an operation and arrested the duo and recovered arms and ammunition after interrogating them, he said. The explosives were allegedly being ferried to Panki from Tal to disrupt the forthcoming elections, he said, adding, further investigation into the matter was on. PTI
Bihar: Four Maoists Arrested, Huge Cache of Arms Seized
Four Maoists were arrested from different places of Naxal-hit Bihar’s Aurangabad district today, police said. Acting on a tip-off, police arrested self-styled area commander Devilal Yadav along with his associates, identified as Dularchand Yadav and Madeshwar Yadav, from an area under the Khudwa police station, SP Upendra Kumar Sharma said. Meanwhile, another Maoist Jamadar Yadav was arrested from Hikshanbigha under Daudnagar police station area, he said. Interrogating him, police recovered a huge cache of arms and ammunition including gelatin powder, cane powder and equipments used for making bomb from a hide-out in a nearby mountain, Sharma added.
Maoists may use latent UP villages to scuttle LS polls
The Maoists’ call for boycotting the Lok Sabha elections has charged up the atmosphere in three Uttar Pradesh districts – Sonebhadra, Mirzapur and Chandauli – which form part of the Red Corridor. While the central authorities are deploying extra manpower to conduct elections in the four worst-hit states — Jharkhand, Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh – the three UP districts will be largely policed by the Provincial Armed Constabulary, besides the CRPF.
The forces have already moved to the rural areas of the three districts since they have common borders with the four Maoist-hit states where the Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) — the military wing of the CPI (Maoist) — has considerable clout. Inspector general (law and order) Amrendra Kumar Sengar said the Maoists have influence in 293 villages in Sonebhadra district, 107 in Mirzapur and 241 in Chandauli. The hilly terrain with a thick forest cover and lack of communication facilities are major challenges for the police force during combing operations. The four state police forces will set up common-frequency wireless sets in the area for quick sharing of information.
Prakash D, IGP, Varanasi zone, told HT that the state police would coordinate with the four states to launch joint operations. He said, “We’ve prepared a list of Maoist cadres wanted in previous cases. The Uttar Pradesh police have also sent the list to MP, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand.” State intelligence department reports said besides using villages in the three districts as hideouts, the PLGA was spreading out to other adjacent districts — Ballia, Ghazipur, Kushinagar, Maharajganj, Gorakhpur and Shravasti — to stretch the Red Corridor to Nepal. The Maoists have divided the state into three parts. While the area north of the Ganga is managed by the Uttarakhand, North Bihar and Uttar Pradesh special area committee, the central and western UP is under the west-central area committee.
The Bihar-Jharkhand area committee controls Mirzapur, Chandauli and Sonebhadra. A strategy meeting of the officers of UP and MP will be held in Allahabad on March 11, while another meeting will be held with officers from Jharkhand, Bihar and Chhattisgarh after the Holi. Though there has been no major Maoist activity in Uttar Pradesh since 2004 when around a dozen police personnel were killed in a landmine blast in Chandauli, the Maoists have made their presence felt in the districts located on the borders.
CPI(M) activist shot dead by suspected Maoists
A Kommu Koya dance troupe organiser Patra Mutyam, 55, an activist of the CPI(M), was allegedly shot dead by suspected Maoists at the remote Tummala village in Chintur mandal early on Monday morning. Sources said that Mutyam, who also worked as a postman in the past, was whisked away from his house by a group of suspected rebels around midnight on Sunday. He was shot dead at point blank range by the assailants at a secluded place close to his house on Monday.
In a letter left behind by the suspected rebels in the name of Maoist Sabari Area Committee alleged that Mutyam was acting as a police informer and harassing gullible Adivasis. Fear gripped the interior tribal pockets in Chintur mandal along the inter-State border with Chhattisgarh following the shocking incident ahead of the general elections slated for April 30.
33-party bloc hints fresh protest programmes
KATHMANDU: The 33-party alliance led by the CPN-Maoist hinted fresh agitations today while finalising its concept paper on policy, programmes and organisational regulations. At a meeting of the alliance held at CPN-Maoist central office, Budhanagar on Monday, the alliance concluded the ongoing discussions on the organisational paper after endorsing it. CPN-Maoist Secretary Dev Prasad Gurung, in a press statement, said that the meeting decided to organise various programmes relating to political round table conference, national sovereignty and livelihood. Also, the 33 parties decided to mark People’s Movement Day on April 7.
The alliance also deplored the recent remark of Prime Minister Sushil Koirala on Tanakpur Dam. Koirala had reportedly said at a function that Tanakpur belongs to India The meeting further demanded that their cadres arrested in Panchthar during the anti-poll campaign be released and false charges be repealed.
IBM factory strike shows shifting China labour landscape
(Reuters) – A wildcat strike at an IBM factory in southern China illustrates how tectonic shifts under way in the country’s labor market are emboldening workers to take matters into their own hands, raising risks for multinationals. More than 1,000 workers walked off the job last week at the factory in Shenzhen, bordering Hong Kong, after managers on March 3 announced the terms of their transfer to new ownership under Chinese PC maker Lenovo Group Ltd. Lenovo agreed in January to pay $2.3 billion for International Business Machine’s (IBM.N) low-end server business.
The strike, which continued into Sunday, fits a growing pattern of industrial activism that has emerged as China’s economy has slowed. A worsening labour shortage has shifted the balance of power in labour relations, while smartphones and social media have helped workers organise and made them more aware than ever of the changing environment, experts say.
The Truth Commission of Guerrero, Mexico Readies Final Report
Forced displacements and disappearances. Vietnam-style strategic hamlets. Death flights over the Pacific. All this and more terrorized the mountain communities near Acapulco, Mexico, during the years when the resort was reaching its apex as a favored international destination for fun-seeking beach lovers in the early and mid-1970s. In response to a popular guerrilla insurgency, the Mexican army and security forces escalated what became known as the Dirty War. “There was a lot of sadism and brutality,” said Hilda Navarette, commissioner for the Guerrero State Truth Commission, an official organism created by the Guerrero State Congress in 2012 to probe the Dirty War and unravel the truth about hundreds of still missing people.
“The Mexican press had a very sad role,” Navarette said in an interview, adding that national and international opinion were kept in the dark about Mexican government atrocities underway with the knowledge of Washington. Four decades later, Navarette and her fellow commissioners are preparing to deliver a final report this year to the Guerrero State Congress. Based on archival finds and original testimonies from victims’ relatives and survivors, the report will be of “transcendental importance” in revealing the fates of nearly 400 disappeared residents, said Octavio Navarette, Hilda’s brother and a Truth Commission assistant.
Red Women’s Committee
In preparation of this years 8th of March we mobilized with 4,000 leaflets and hundreds of posters in proletarian quaters for our lecture series and the demonstration on 8th of March itself. The lectures of the Red Womens Committee Hamburg took place in Hamburg, Cologne and Berlin. In its context it became clear that there is the possibility to develop proletarian-feminist work on a higher level. It became obvious that there is a need of a nationwide revolutionary women’s movement.
The different class-currents of feminism, its revolutionary core as part of the ideology of the proletariat, the concrete double oppression and exploitation of women in the FRG and the need for a class-conscious women’s movement under the leadership of a Communist Party was pointed out. A total of about 500 people participated in the demonstration for women’s day in Hamburg.
In the demonstration, we participated with 40 comrades in a visually well-defined block of proletarian expression and slogans such as “Proletarian Feminism for Communism!”, “Unleash the power of women as a mighty force of the revolution!”, “For a women’s movement with class-conscious position – in Communism we achieve our emancipation” and “The only road to socialism is the masses grasping the gun!”. In front of the front banner comrades pay tribute to 4 great and outstanding leaders of our class, Comrade Norah, Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin and Chiang Ching bearing their pictures during the whole demonstration.
We, as well as the other organizations involved, held a speech from the soundtruck in which we held up and defended the content already introduced in the lectures. Through the use of a microphone and the actively participation of all participants our block got a very vivid, confident and combative expression. In this year, after the birth of the Red Women’s Committee Hamburg at the beginning of last year, we succeded in independently preparing and developing the entire work as a committee.
Among other things, this proves that it is not a “campaign project” but there is, must and will be a stronger and continuous practice throughout the year. Today’s demonstration is an important step in this direction. Goal is and remains, to enforce and use proletarian feminism as in integral part of the ideology of the proletariat, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as a weapon against imperialism, revisionism and reaction. That is, in fact, to develop the power of women as a mighty force of the revolution.
Red Women’s Committee
Hamburg 8th March 2014
Lookout circular for ‘Maoists’
Cases registered against them in various police stations in Wayanad
Wayanad police chief Putta Vimaladitya on Saturday issued a lookout circular (LOC) against 10 suspected Maoists in connection with cases registered against them in various police stations in the district. The police identified the Maoists as Vikram Gowda; Latha; Kanya, alias Kanyakumari; Sundari; Roopesh; Sinoj; Jayanna; Ravi alias Raveendra; Jagadeesha; and Velmurugan. The first sighting of the Maoists was reported at Karimkanni Kattunayakka colony in the Padinharethara police station limits on August 14, 2013. The tribespeople of the colony reported that Maoist activists under the Western Ghat special zone committee had disbursed pamphlets, and organised a class for them nearly three days ago.
Though nearly seven such instances were reported at various places under the Vythiri, Meppadi, Padinharethara, and Vellamunda police station limits in seven months, the police were yet to find any evidence of the Maoists presence. The last incident in the series was at Kodampara colony at Kunhome in the Vellamunda police station limits on February 5 this year. Mr. Vimaladitya said the Maoists were wanted in many cases registered in police stations in the district. They had been charged under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, and Section 25 of the Arms Act.
Tight security in Malkangiri before polls
Following the recent release of an audio tape by top Maoist leader Poonam Chand urging the people to boycott the ensuing Lok Sabha and Assembly elections in April, security has been beefed up in the entire Malkangiri district. According to Malkangiri SP Akhileswar Singh, the District Voluntary Force (DVF), Special Operation Group (SOG), Armed Police Reserve (APR) units and the district police have been kept on high alert. Besides, four BSF battalions have been deployed at the sensitive areas of Gobindapalli, Mathili, Katameta, Pandripani, Malkangiri Sadar, MV-79, Padia, Chitrakonda and Motu where they have set up camps, the SP said, adding the security personnel have also kept a tight vigil in the areas bordering Andhra Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.
CPN-Maoist building base for protests
KATHMANDU, MAR 09 – The CPN-Maoist has begun a nationwide campaign to train its cadres on a fresh protest against the Constituent Assembly. The party leadership is currently holding district-level meetings and restructuring its organisation to strengthen local committees across the country. The campaign follows the decisions of the party’s central committee and other subsequent meetings that stressed a need for stronger structure at the lower level.
The party believes that its plans to foil the November 19 CA election failed due to its ‘weak organisation’ at the lower level. CPN-Maoist top leaders including Chairman Mohan Baidya, Vice-chairman CP Gajurel, General Secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa and Secretaries Dev Gurung and Netra Bikram Chand have been visiting districts to train cadres in the recent weeks. Baidya and Chand are currently in the western region to orient cadres in districts and restructure committees. Addressing an inaugural session of the Rupandehi district committee meeting on Friday, Baidya slammed PM Sushil Koirala for giving controversial remarks on Tanakpur. He said his party will collaborate with other parties to struggle for “national integrity and sovereignty”.
CPN-Maoist leaders said they will kick-start protests across the country as soon as the constitution writing process begins. The party demands that the government and major parties hold an all-party round-table for drafting a new constitution. Members of the CPN-Maoist-led 33-party alliance said they are preparing for a stern protest as the major parties “are reluctant to incorporate us in the CA ”. The parties say they are ready to participate in constitution-writing if they are given proper space. “The government must seek an alternative to the CA for us to participate in statue writing. If that happens, we are eager to engage with them,” said Mani Thapa of CPN-Revolutionary.
Iraqi women protest against proposed Islamic law in Iraq
(Reuters) – About two dozen Iraqi women demonstrated on Saturday in Baghdad against a draft law approved by the Iraqi cabinet that would permit the marriage of nine-year-old girls and automatically give child custody to fathers. The group’s protest was on International Women’s Day and a week after the cabinet voted for the legislation, based on Shi’ite Islamic jurisprudence, allowing clergy to preside over marriages, divorces and inheritances. The draft now goes to parliament.
3 Mohawk protesters could be charged after Ontario rail blockade
Police have taken four people into custody after Mohawk protesters calling for an inquiry into missing and murdered aboriginal women occupied CN Rail tracks east of Belleville, Ont. Provincial police say demonstrators moved onto the tracks Saturday at about 10:15 a.m. ET in Napanee, leading to CN issuing a stop order for all trains.
PKK sympathizers clash with police in southeastern Turkey
A group of sympathizers of the terrorist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) clashed with police on Saturday night in the Silopi district of the southeastern Turkish province of Şırnak. The group first blocked the İpek Yolu Highway connecting Silopi to Habur, building barricades out of stones and barrels and conducting identity checks. When police attempted to disperse the crowd and re-open the road to traffic, the protesters proceeded to İstiklal Avenue and continued their demonstration there. The protest turned violent after demonstrators hurled rocks and Molotov cocktails at the riot police and police vehicles.
RMG workers clash with cops in Mirpur
Around 20 persons, including five policemen, were injured, five vehicles vandalised and traffic movement halted for nearly three hours in the capital’s Mirpur-12 yesterday during a clash between police and garment workers demanding due salaries. As news spread, authorities of several garment factories in the area suspended production for the day to avert possible violence. Police charged baton and lobbed teargas canisters to disperse the agitators who retaliated with brickbats during the clash that erupted around 11:30am, creating panic among the locals.
Witnesses said the workers had blocked the road before Softex Cotton Private Limited till around 12:00 noon. Workers said they found a notice hanging on the closed factory gate on Friday morning reading “the factory will remain closed as the seven-storey building has been identified as a risky one by engineers”. When they contacted the factory owners and demanded their due salaries and other compensations, they were not given any certain date, claimed the workers.
“Instead, they beat four of us and confined them inside the factory from afternoon till night on Friday,” said a worker, wishing anonymity. Later, Pallabi police rescued them, the worker added. Another worker, Aminul Islam, said he has been working at the factory for 14 years and that it owed him over Tk 1 lakh. “I will not leave the place without taking the money,” he said during the demonstrations.
Ignite-MLM will be a mass organization, guided by the proletarian class thought of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which will seek to bring to the masses the task of building a Maoist Communist Party of the proletariat and the people.
What is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM)?
MLM prescribes an orientation to history in which the universality of the past is not referable to a model to be copied, but rather is formed in the actual conjuncture in which we practice its lessons. Because the universality of the past is formed in the particularity of the present, history is not an undifferentiated totality of unordered elements. Thus, to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist is not to ‘add up’ the achievements of Marx, Lenin and Mao. Rather, MLM draws out lessons, in the form of ruptures, from the practical experience of the proletariat and the people, concentrated in the events of the Paris Commune, the October Revolution and the Chinese Revolution, in particular the sequence of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. In the uniform cloth of history, these events constitute knots of accumulated and intensified contradictions. As Lenin clearly understood, there is no universal ‘exchange of equivalents’ between such events. The knot is what makes the place that it occupies a genuine place—irreducible to any other place—from which it can exercise its power. Such nodal points actively orient our own practice in the current political conjuncture. MLM is the political synthesis of the revolutionary experiences of the masses, seized in the form of a discontinuous series of historical events with the organizing class knowledge of the proletariat.
What are the universal lessons and breaks of MLM? How is the antagonistic contradiction bourgeoisie / proletariat transformed in each of the historical events to which MLM refers?
In a famous 1852 letter to Weydemeyer, Marx summed up his own contribution to proletarian class thought as the attempt “1. to show that the existence of classes is merely bound up with certain historical phases in the development of production; 2. that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat; 3. that this dictatorship itself constitutes no more than a transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society.”[i] The triple thesis of Marx is the following: class struggle finds its essence in relations of production; these relations in turn find their essence in the political field they open up, the dictatorship of the proletariat; the dictatorship of the proletariat in turn finds its essence in its own extinction by stages. Through the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the class struggle is inscribed in the finality of a society without a state—that is, a society without classes. This communist finality constitutes the proletariat as a class in the political sense.
The Leninist rupture begins with a reactivation of a thesis Marx developed through the experience of the Paris Commune. In his April 1871 letter to Kugelmann on the Paris Commune, Marx wrote: “I declare that the next attempt of the French Revolution will be no longer, as before, to transfer the bureaucratic-military machine from one hand to another, but to smash it, and this is the precondition for every real people’s revolution on the Continent. And this is what our heroic Party comrades in Paris are attempting.”[ii] The smashing of the bourgeois state apparatus and its replacement by a proletarian state apparatus was the main positive lesson that Lenin drew from the experience of the Paris Commune. In 1871, the commune state was itself quickly smashed. In What is to Be Done?, Lenin invents the organized and subjective apparatus of the proletarian party in order to master what the Paris Commune could not master: the reproduction of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The party is an organized instrument of professional militants whose object is the seizure and maintenance of state power.
However, the Leninist party poses new problems. Before the revolution, there exists a situation of dual power embodied in the organized party of the proletariat and the bourgeois state. After the victory of the revolution, the party is sutured to the (proletarian) state. How, then, do we proceed to a society without a state?
This question of the splitting of the dictatorship of the proletariat is the problem addressed by the Maoist break: on the one hand, the proletarian dictatorship (= the political class domination of the proletariat), if reinforced by an increasing identification of the party with the proletarian state apparatus, leads us back to the restoration of capitalism through the formation of a bureaucratic bourgeoisie; on the other hand, if it is extinguished in stages, we find ourselves on the road to communism. In the epoch of the Cultural Revolution—and we are still in that epoch, living and practicing the universal lessons of the Cultural Revolution and addressing the contradictions it was itself unable to resolve—the political is exhausted neither by the organized party of the proletariat nor by the state. Maoism represents a return to the mass perspective—a perspective on the present from the standpoint of the future communist society.
What is the content of the relationship between the broad masses (and mass organizations) and the class party of the proletariat in the epoch of Maoism?
This question must be grasped as a problem whose genealogy is a series of divisions: what divides Marxism from utopian socialism is that Marxism is bound up with the question of organized knowledge; what divides Leninism from the Marxism of the nineteenth century is that the Leninist party is conceived as the means of bringing class consciousness to the masses in order to organize the taking of state power through revolution; what divides Maoism from Leninism is that the political organization of the Maoist party must be principally understood as the systematization of the dispersed—but ultimately correct—ideas of the masses from the strategic perspective of communism.
The Marxism of Marx and Engels was historically determined as a scientific corrective to the petty bourgeois dreaming of utopian socialists (Fourier, Owen). Marx and Engels recognized that the proletariat was the first class in history able to lead its own revolution because it could scientifically elaborate the class struggle and establish forms of organization capable of transforming social relations of exploitation and domination in order to master them.
For Lenin, the relationship between the party and the masses principally involves penetration of class elements (organized knowledge and politics) into the real mass movement. This formulation holds to the perspective of the seizure of state power through revolution—that is, it remains within the horizon of the socialist transition and the class perspective of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the political logic of Leninism, the party-state reproduces itself indefinitely as the sole repository of science, and organization becomes primarily identified with the iron discipline and structure needed to prevent infiltration from the outside. Everything happens as if the party-state is the maker of history, rather than the masses.
On the contrary, Maoism holds to the mass perspective, in which knowledge is understood to merge tendentially with the direct practice of the masses as we approach the communist future. However, this in turn requires that knowledge be grasped from the start in its dialectical division between the masses (as its practical source and place of deployment) and the class apparatus of the party (as that which concentrates mass ideas in the form of slogans and political directives). Organization here is no longer to be understood primarily as a disciplined state apparatus, but as the systematization of mass ideas in light of class analysis. The spiraling movement of the class-masses dialectic—what Maoists call the mass line—tends towards its own extinction in stages, as the state-form of science merges with mass knowledge.
The mass line is not an instrument (for carrying out effective work, for popularizing Marxism, for integrating oneself among the masses) but is the Maoist name for dialectical materialism, the Marxist theory of knowledge. We must on no account relegate Maoism to the period following the victory of the revolution, as if the proper names ‘Marx,’ ‘Lenin’ and ‘Mao’ designated a path to be followed sequentially in each revolutionary process. We are not Leninists during the revolutionary process and Maoists after the taking of state power. The Maoist rupture extends to all stages along the road to communism, including the revolutionary stage that culminates in the seizure of state power. At this stage, the Maoist strategy of Protracted People’s War (PPW) breaks with the October Road. This is not to be understood in a narrowly empiricist sense: we do not aim to surround the cities from the countryside, and we do not intend to mobilize a (non-existent) US peasantry to become the principal force of the revolution. Against such an empiricism, we hold that it is indeed only the Cultural Revolution that allows us to conceive the universality of PPW as it was practiced and theorized during the revolutionary process that led to the taking of political power by the proletariat in 1949.
Why is Protracted People’s War a universal strategy?
The October Road, which aims at a quantitative accumulation of forces in view of a sudden inversion of places, circumscribes the dialectic within the material limits of relations of political domination. Lenin was well aware that the price to be paid for such an inversion-conception of revolution was nothing less than the becoming of a new bureaucratic bourgeoisie: “As for those who look at the victory over the capitalists in the way that the petty proprietors look at it—‘they grabbed, let me have a go too’—indeed, every one of them is the source of a new generation of bourgeois.”[iii] The limits of the October Road are clearly visible in its Civil War after-life. From the reliance on former detachments of the Tsarist state to the misfortunes that War Communism inflicted upon the peasantry, these limits can be summed up as a lack of confidence in the masses.
In contrast to the October Road, the Maoist strategy of Protracted People’s War is the joining of the following two principles: (1) The primacy of politics over the military: the quantitative weakness (in arms, resources) of the organized proletariat understood in the materialist sense is the premise from which the qualitative strength (political) of the proletariat understood in the dialectical sense proceeds (2) The thesis that revolutionary war is a war of the masses: the resolution of the antagonistic contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat does not culminate in the simple inversion of that contradiction (in which the proletariat comes to exercise state power through a new proletarian state apparatus) but rather prescribes the practical movement that destroys in stages the reality of political domination as such.
Understanding the conjunction of these two principles depends on correctly grasping the relation between the dynamic or dialectical (primary) aspect and the structural or materialist (secondary) aspect of the antagonistic contradiction. Mao writes: “imperialism and all reactionaries, looked at in essence, from a long-term point of view, must be seen for what they are—paper tigers. On this we should build our strategic thinking. On the other hand, they are also living tigers, iron tigers, real tigers, which can devour people. On this we should build our tactical thinking.”[iv] From the dialectical perspective of their historical becoming, the iron tigers are the masses, whose invincible power lies in their differential nature, a power that can never be defeated by a simple technics of violence. Mao writes: “What is the true bastion of iron? It is the masses, the millions upon millions of people who genuinely and sincerely support the revolution. That is the real iron bastion which it is impossible, and absolutely impossible, for any force on earth to smash.”[v] This dialectical sense of the principal aspect of the contradiction provides us with a key to understanding the two central strategic principles of PPW, primacy of politics over the military and the formula that revolutionary war is a war of the masses. If we confine ourselves to tactical thinking—to the crude materialism that assesses political strength by adding up airplanes and tanks—we have already wandered off the communist path and began building a new form of political domination.
To be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist is in this way to affirm at every stage the strategic perspective of communism, concentrated in the conception of the party as an apparatus whose role is to organize the correct ideas of the masses. We must never substitute the class thought of the party for the unlimited thought of the masses. This constitutes the essential lesson of the GPCR, valid for all stages of the revolutionary process, and in relation to which the two-line struggle within the party must be understood as secondary. Here we must refer to Point Four of the Sixteen-Point Decision, the point that provides the decision with its principle of unity: “In the great proletarian cultural revolution, the only method is for the masses to liberate themselves, and any method of doing things on their behalf must not be used. Trust the masses, rely on them and respect their initiative.”[vi]
It is from this strategic perspective that the New Communist Party (Organizing Committee) calls upon Ignite-MLM to take in hand the task of building a communist party of the proletariat and the people. The building of a party cannot be a matter of subjectively declaring that such a party exists. It is the masses that make history, and the question of party-building must be brought to the broad masses, discussed, creatively applied and the results continuously assessed with a view to rectification and self-criticism. We call upon Ignite-MLM to take up this document and discuss it with a view to implementing the central task of the current conjuncture, that of building a Maoist Communist Party that can lead the masses in a new revolutionary sequence.
LONG LIVE MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM!
NEW YORK CITY BRANCH, NCP(OC)
[i] Karl Marx, “Marx to Joseph Weydemeyer,” March 5, 1852, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1989, Volume 39, pages 62-65.
[ii] Karl Marx, “Marx to Ludwig Kugelmann,” April 12, 1871, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1989, Volume 44, pages 131-132.
[iii] V.I. Lenin, “Session of the All-Russia C.E.C.,” in Lenin, Collected Works, 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, Volume 27, pages 279-313.
[iv] Mao Tsetung, On People’s War, Foreign Languages Press, Peking, 1967, page 9.
[v] Ibid., 14.
[vi] “Decision of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist party Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,” in CCP Documents of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution: 1966-1967, Union Research Institute, Kowloon, Hong Kong, 1968, page 45.
2014 elections: Chhattisgarh Police gear up to tackle Naxal threat
Raipur: Ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, Chhattisgarh Police have started chalking out strategies in coordination with the adjoining states to tackle Maoist threats in inter-state border areas, officials said on Saturday . Top police officials of the Bastar region, including the Inspector General, SP and ASPs, held a high-level meeting with their Odisha counterparts yesterday and drafted a plan to take on the rebels in run-up to the election and on the voting days, they said.
On the direction of Election Commission a meeting was held with police officials of Odisha for a well-coordinated effort to ensure peaceful polling in the Naxal-hit regions, Bastar Superintendent of Police Ajay Yadav told PTI. Several districts of south Chhattisgarh like Bastar, Kondagaon and Sukma have links with the Naxal-hit districts of Koraput and Malkangiri in Odisha in terms of movement of cadres, arms and ammunition. A coordination is necessary to curb the activity of Maoist cadres, he said.
“We have mutually (police officials of both states) identified some sensitive pockets in the inter-state border regions where there is a need to focus more,” the SP said. “There are several areas on both sides where mobile check posts require coordinated support from security personnel of the two States,” he said. Insurgency-hit Bastar and adjoining constituencies like Koraput, Nabrangpur (Odisha) and Gadchiroli, Chimur and Chandrapur (Maharashtra) will go to the polls on April 10. Naxals routinely give election boycott calls and often target political workers, leaders and polling agents during the campaigning and on the day of voting.
LS polls: Police chalk out plan to foil threats in six Naxal-affected districts
Amid threat from outlawed Maoists to disrupt polls, the Bihar police chief on Saturday held a meeting with police captains of six naxal-affected districts to chalkout an action plan to provide foolproof security in each of these districts during election next month.
Action plan would be prepared for all the six districts where polling would be held on April 10, Director General of Police Abhyanand told reporters. Inspector General of Police, Patna zone, Sushil Khorpade, Bachhu singh Meena (DIG Magadh range), Amit Kumar Jain (DIG, Sahabad range) besides, district Superintendents of police of Gaya, Nawada, Aurangabad, Jehanabad, Arwal and Sasaram attended the meeting.
Police officers seek relocation of several booths due to Red threat
Apprehending Maoist attack on polling booths as well as security personnel during the Lok Sabha elections, several superintendents of police (SPs) across the state have sent requisition to the headquarters, demanding relocation. Senior officers are a concerned lot as more than 200 polling booths across Jharkhand fall in Maoist-hit areas which are highly inaccessible. Many police officials feel that forces deployed in these sensitive areas to guard polling booths may easily fall into traps or get ambushed.
Recently, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) had shot off a letter to the state police headquarters informing that Maoists were planning attacks in Jharkhand during the polls. According to the letter, ultras are likely to ambush security forces, booths, police stations and polling parties in the state.
The MHA had also warned the road opening parties (ROPs) to remain fully alert to avoid any untoward incident. The 200 polling booths which have been identified for relocation in various districts of the state are situated in difficult terrains. Among these there are booths which have been targeted by CPI(Maoist) cadres in the previous elections. Half a dozen polling booths in Ghatsila and Baheragora constituencies in East Singhbhum district and over a dozen booths in Latehar district are located in sensitive areas. Mukesh Kumar, the deputy commissioner of Latehar, said, “We will write to the EC, requesting the relocation of polling booths in the district.”
A senior police officer of the district said there are over 12 polling booths which are located in Maoist-hit areas and are almost inaccessible. “Movement of forces will be hindered due to the inaccessibility factor,” the officer added. A number of relocation requisitions have been sent by the Latehar, Gumla, Palamu and West Singhbhum police which are hot beds of Left-wing extremism. Gumla has identified 58 polling booths, West Singhbhum 60, Palamu 30, Latehar and Khunti 15 booths each. “We are taking steps to secure booths,” Bhimshen Tuti, the Gumla SP, said.
Residents of Odisha’s Malkangiri district to boycott assembly elections
Malkangiri, March 8 (ANI): The residents of cut-off areas in Malkangiri district in Odisha have decided to boycott assembly polls this time as a mark of protest against state government for neglecting growth and development.