“Emphasize revolution to promote production, work and preparation for war.”
“Thousands of willows sway in the spring breeze; all the 600 million people of the divine country are Shun or Yao.”
In this thunderous and heroic Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, millions of revolutionary masses in our great country have for the first time come to enjoy an extensive democracy without precedent in human history. The revolutionary people enjoy the democracy of free speech, of being able to organize demonstrations, of being able to put out their own publications, of being able to air their views freely, of being able to put up big-character posters, and of being able to exchange revolutionary experience. Looking back at the history of human civilization over several thousand years, in which dynasty or in which country was there ever such extensive democracy?
None, absolutely none. The bourgeoisie and the counter-revolutionary revisionists sometimes also make noises about democracy and freedom, but their words are no more than sheer lies, meant to deceive. As far as the proletariat is concerned, they mean exploitation, oppression, and fascist dictatorship. Our great leader Chairman Mao has the utmost faith in the masses, fully understands the desires of the popular masses, and greatly respects the revolutionary creativity of the popular masses. It was precisely our most respected leader Chairman Mao who first supported the revolutionary big-character posters, the revolutionary Red Guards, and the great exchange of revolutionary experience. Only a great Marxist-Leninist and ingenious proletarian revolutionary leader like Chairman Mao would be so bold and daring as to propose practicing extensive democracy under the conditions of proletarian dictatorship. The extensive democracy of the proletariat is a great innovation in the international Communist movement, and a major development of the theories of Marxism-Leninism by Chairman Mao.
Proletarian extensive democracy means for the popular masses to be their own masters. The issue of primary importance in extensive democracy is to mobilize and give free rein to the masses; to give the people the most extensive democratic rights; and to exercise dictatorship over all enemies of socialism.
With such extensive democracy, the broad masses can be aroused to the fullest extent to rebel against all forms of revisionism and all reactionaries, thus leaving the enemy no place to hide.
With such extensive democracy, we can fully bring into play the revolutionary spirit of the masses and fully arouse the activism of the masses for socialist revolution and socialist construction.
With such extensive democracy, we can create a social climate in which the common laborers may criticize the leading organs of the Party and government as well as the leaders of those organs.
With such extensive democracy, the masses in their millions will be able to supervise our Party and government leaders at all levels as well as our Party and government organs at all levels.
The development of proletarian extensive democracy is of great and far-reaching significance as far as the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and guarding against capitalist restoration is concerned.
The extensive democracy we have in mind is extensive democracy under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Proletarian dictatorship and proletarian extensive democracy constitute a unity of opposites. Without proletarian dictatorship, proletarian extensive democracy cannot be safeguarded. For the same reason, if there is no proletarian extensive democracy, proletarian dictatorship cannot be consolidated and may even degenerate into a bourgeois or fascist dictatorship. What makes it possible for our country to realize this extensive democracy is the fact that we have a consolidated dictatorship of the proletariat and the invincible People’s Liberation Army.
At a time when the struggle between the two classes and the two roads still goes on, departing from proletarian dictatorship will put us in no position to talk about proletarian extensive democracy. This is especially so in the midst of the present scrimmage between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Proletarian dictatorship must closely integrate dictatorship over counter-revolutionaries with extensive democracy for the people. Proletarian dictatorship is powerful because it stands for the dictatorship of the working masses over the exploiters and the dictatorship of the majority over the minority, and also because it brings into being extensive democracy for the broad working people.
There cannot be any proletarian dictatorship—or at least not any consolidated proletarian dictatorship—without the criticism, supervision, and active support of the broad masses. The more intense the class struggle, the greater the need for the proletariat to rely most resolutely and thoroughly on the broad masses of the people and to mobilize their revolutionary activism to triumph over the forces of reaction.
Of late, a small handful of Party-persons in power taking the capitalist road and an extremely small number of diehards clinging to the bourgeois reactionary line are not reconciled to their defeat. Working in collusion with ox-monsters and snake-demons out there in society, they launch frantic counter-attacks against the proletarian revolutionary line in an attempt to sabotage the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, sabotage proletarian extensive democracy, and sabotage the dictatorship of the proletariat. Under the guise of extensive democracy, they arbitrarily accuse the proletarian revolutionaries of all sorts of crimes and direct the spearhead of struggle at the Proletarian Headquarters. Unwilling to tolerate this, the broad revolutionary masses exercise dictatorship over the small handful of rotten eggs concerned.
This revolutionary measure has greatly strengthened the determination of the revolutionaries and dampened the arrogance of the reactionaries. The revolutionary masses jump with joy and applaud it. But a small handful of clowns are enraged. They are turning hysterical and viciously slander our revolutionary activities. “You are sabotaging extensive democracy!” Because we exercise dictatorship over the clowns who bombard the Proletarian Headquarters, you call this sabotaging extensive democracy. It just goes to show that the democracy you have in mind is bourgeois democracy. Such “democracy,” dear sirs, is indeed what we intend to sabotage.
Chairman Mao teaches us: “There is in the world only concrete freedom, concrete democracy, but no abstract freedom, abstract democracy. In the society of class struggle when the exploiting classes are free to exploit the working people, there is no democracy for the proletariat and the working people.” In either case, A has to eliminate B. This is what has to happen and there can be no compromise. By eliminating bourgeois democracy to a greater extent and with greater thoroughness, proletarian democracy will greatly expand. As the bourgeoisie sees it, this means that in our country there is no democracy or that democracy is being sabotaged. Actually this is eradicating what is bourgeois and promoting what is proletarian, and the promotion of proletarian democracy means the eradication of bourgeois democracy.
“You are violating the freedom of speech!” Dear sirs, you are right. We mean to forbid the reactionaries from speaking and acting in an unruly way. Freedom is given only to the people and not to the reactionaries. Anybody among the people can say what he wants to say, write big-character posters against other persons, and put up such posters in whatever place he chooses. Just look at our factories, government organs, schools, rural villages, and city streets, and you will find big-character posters everywhere. Let us ask: In which country is there so high a degree of freedom and democracy?
“You have no faith in the masses!” This is complete nonsense! You small handful of counter-revolutionaries are definitely not the “masses,” and we have no faith in you at all. We are dealing with you bad eggs in accordance with the demands of the broad revolutionary masses, and our actions are a manifestation of our great faith in the masses. In refutation of that renegade Kautsky, Lenin said:
“With the attitude of a learned bookworm or the innocence of a ten-year-old girl, Kautsky asked: Since you have the support of the majority, why is dictatorship still necessary? Marx and Engels explained: “—in order to break the resistance of the bourgeoisie. “—in order to strike fear in the reactionaries. “—in order to uphold the authority of the armed people to oppose the bourgeoisie. “—in order to enable the proletariat to suppress their own enemies with brute force.”
These teachings of Lenin were beyond the comprehension of that renegade Kautsky, and they are also beyond the comprehension of those clowns who accuse us of having “no faith in the masses.” Only genuine revolutionaries can comprehend them. Some muddle-headed individuals adopt a Philistine view toward the present life-and-death class struggle. They fail to see the class contradiction and the great battle between the two lines. They do not understand why we are so determined to repulse the frantic attack represented by this small counter-revolutionary adverse current. They say: “People are merely voicing some objections: Why do you have to take such dictatorial measures?” They see only the outward appearance of things and not their essence.
Among the people, when some comrades voice objections, we listen humbly to what they have to say, even though the words may be sharp and the argument heated. But those fellows with ulterior motives, who in the guise of criticism are actually attacking the proletarian headquarters, must be exposed. Otherwise, people may be taken in by them. Chairman Mao has taught us that democracy is a means and not an end in itself. We use this means to reach our great goal of making a success of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, of consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, and of promoting the socialist cause. Only by strengthening the dictatorship of the proletariat can we safeguard the extensive democracy of the proletariat. Those who want to bombard the Proletarian Headquarters and undermine the dictatorship of the proletariat in our country are having a pipe dream and will never succeed!
Right now, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has entered a new phase. The proletarian revolutionaries must warmly respond to the great call of the Party and Chairman Mao and learn from the Shanghai revolutionaries. Let us unite all proletarian revolutionaries and tighten our grip on the destiny of the proletarian dictatorship, the destiny of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the destiny of the socialist economy. Let us fight to repulse the latest counter-attack of the bourgeois reactionary line and to gain new victories in the Great Cultural Revolution.
Red Flag, No. 2, 1967, pp. 37-39.
CPN-Maoist to move against LPG hoarders
KATHMANDU, JAN 30 – The CPN-Maoist has said it is launching a crackdown against traders hoarding LPG and petroleum in the Kathmandu valley. Leaders of the Netra Bikram Chand-led party said that hoarding was mainly responsible for the ongoing fuel shortage. CPN-Maoist leaders said they had identified dozens of big and small companies that were hoarding cooking gas in the valley. They said that the party would take action against them in the coming days.
“Our campaign against hoarding of cooking gas will continue. The party has decided to intensify the crackdown as it has been affecting millions of common people,” said Sudip Malla, a central committee member of the CPN-Maoist. Malla, who is also the party’s in-charge for Kathmandu, said the party would take control of gas stashed in warehouses and distribute it to the public for free if the companies concerned did not end hoarding. Earlier this month, the party had seized LPG hidden at the main depot of Himal Gas at Gwarko, Lalitpur and gave it away for free to consumers. The party claimed that it had taken control of 2,000 cylinders of LPG after finding out that the company had been selling it at inflated prices.
On Thursday, the party picketed the office of NOC demanding immediate supplies of cooking gas and petroleum products. Hundreds of party supporters took part in a rally from Ratna Park to Babarmahal. The CPN-Maoist also submitted a memorandum to NOC to ensure smooth fuel supplies. Ishwori Dahal, the in-charge of the CPN-Maoist Newa State Committee, urged NOC Executive Director Gopal Bahadur Khadka to resolve the problem of the artificial shortage. (PR)
‘Federalism with existing state structure only a conspiracy’
KATHMANDU, Jan 29: At a time when questions concerning federalism have figured hugely in the wranglings over the constitution-drafting process, the Netra Bikram Chand-led CPN Maoist has ruled out the relevance of the very idea of federalism in the country without first effecting changes in the existing state structure. The breakaway faction of the Mohan Baidya-led CPN-Maoist has further said that ethnicity should not be made the basis for delineating the federal provinces.
CPN Maoist General Secretary Chand has termed the current debate on identity-based federalism a conspiracy, said a leader of the party. Chand, in his political document presented at the first national conference of the party held in Dang a few weeks ago, has rejected ethnicity-based federalism as any part of the Maoist agenda. “Federalism alone is not a magic wand for remedying suppression against any ethnicity, the problem is class,” CPN Maoist Spokesperson Khadka Bahadur BK told Republica.
“Class emancipation and changing state structure are the first steps for ending such suppression, rather than federalism.” The CPN Maoist stance comes at a time when the UCPN (Maoist) and Madhes-based political parties are pressing for identity-based federalism in Nepal. Spokesperson BK clarified that the party had advocated for federalism in the past but only with a ‘people-centric system of governance’. “Without changing the existing state structure, the issue of federalism is nothing but a conspiracy,” BK further said.
According to the CPN Maoist, the domination of the haves in the country will not end without class emancipation and the securing of national sovereignty. “The existing concept of identity-based federalism will merely lead the country toward disintegration,” standing committee member of the party Dharmendra Bastola told Republica. According to Bastola, CPN Maoist is against any kind of identity-based federalism in the country, as discussed by other political parties. The party has proposed a different approach to securing political and cultural rights for backward and suppressed ethnicities and groups.
The party chief has proposed autonomous regions and special rights for such identity groups. Party leaders claimed that the primary agenda of the party is to empower the working and peasant classes to control the state mechanisms. “Issues of identity could be thought of if needed only after achieving people-centric state mechanisms and class emancipation,” argued BK. “Look at the example of India, where class suppression still exists despite identity-based federalism.”
Maoist attack: Two arrested
KOCHI: Police have arrested two persons in the case related to the attack on National Highway Authority office in Kochi. The arrested persons are Kerala State Insurance employee and Human rights activist Jaison Cooper and Janakeeya Human Rights forum State secretary Adv. Tuhsar Nirmal. Cases have been filed against them under provisions of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Nirmal was arrested from a press conference venue in Kozhikode on Friday. Maoists had allegedly attacked the office located near Kalamassery Railway overbridge on National Highway on Thursday morning.
NHAI office vandalised
Files burnt; pamphlets claim CPI(Maoist) role
The office of the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) at Kalamassery here was vandalised on Thursday by unidentified miscreants claiming affiliation to the Communist Party of India (Maoist). In an attack similar to that at the office of Nitta Gelatin India Ltd. at Panampilly Nagar November last, the vandals pulled files out of the shelves at the NHAI office onto the floor and set fire to a few of them. The incident occurred between 8.30 a.m. and 9.15 a.m..
The attack occurred on a day that Maoist groups in the State had declared to be ‘action day’ to take action against organisations that allegedly committed injustice. The attackers left pamphlets protesting against the acquisition of land for National Highway expansion and privatisation of the agency’s works. The pamphlets claimed that the attack was carried out by the CPI (Maoist). ‘CPI (Maoist)’ was also scrawled in black letters on the walls of the office.
Recurring Maoist Attacks Point to Police Slackness
KOCHI: The second attack by suspected Maoists in the city has put the City Police in a fix, who are still groping in the dark with regard to the probe into the Nitta Gelatin attack in November last year. Moreover, it shows the incapability of the police in acting on Intelligence warnings of possible attacks on Thursday, Friday and Saturday, which are said to be ‘Maoist action days’ in the State. Even IG M R Ajithkumar and City Police Commissioner K G James mentioned about it while addressing mediapersons after the attack on the office of the National Highway Authorities of India (NHAI)on Thursday.
According to the City Police Commissioner, the police neither ignored any Intelligence report nor did it show any apathy in probing cases. Ever since we received information about the ‘Maoist action days’ from the Intelligence, the police have been keeping vigil and conducting combing operations. But unfortunately, the attackers chose an isolated place, where police patrolling is weak. We have taken every step to book the perpetrators of the attack,” said K G James.
The corporate office of Nitta Gelatin India Limited (NGIL) at Panampilly Nagar was attacked on November 10 by a nine-member gang claiming to be CPI-Maoists. The City Police have managed to nab only two suspects in the case; that also after being alerted by the Palakkad Police who arrested the men in connection with the attack on two multi-national food chains at Chandranagar in Palakkad district. The remaining seven persons are still at large, though the police are having the CCTV footage of the incident.
So, Thursday’s attack reveals that the police investigation has reached a deadlock in all respects. James further pointed out that Arun Balan and Srikanth Prabhkaran, who were arrested from Palakkad district in connection with the previous attacks, were adamant and hardly disclosed any detail during interrogation. Special Branch Assistant Commissioner A D Balasubramanian, who shared the views of James, stated that the police had never failed to act on Intelligence information. “The incident occurred in a remote area along the national highway where there is hardly any police patrolling. We are fully equipped to curb such incidents. Moreover, when the attack was launched, the National Highway Authorities of India employees thought it was just a fire accident and failed to inform the police in time,” he added.
Maoist sentenced to ten years imprisonment
Ranchi, Jan 29 (PTI) A Maoist, who was booked under Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) in 2004, was today sentenced to ten years rigorous imprisonment by a special court here. Finding Maoist sub-zonal commander Sunil Ganju guilty in cases of murder, extortion, kidnap and loot on January 27, the special POTA court of S H Kazmi pronounced the judgment and also imposed a fine of Rs 10,000. Ganju, who is in Chatra jail now, appeared through video conferencing.
The call by the Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) ‘to defend the Rojava revolution’ has reverberated in Europe as well as in Turkey. Internationalist revolutionaries have begun to travel to the land of the revolution. The goal is to establish an international brigade to defend the revolution in all languages and spread the language of revolution throughout the world. The Rojava revolution not only brings news of a new life to the peoples of the Middle East, but also to the peoples of the whole world. The MLKP was the first organisation in the Turkish revolutionary movement to respond to the revolution in Rojava.
Since the beginning of the revolution there it has taken its place, even if only with a modest force, both in the construction of the revolution and in the front line. At the moment the MLKP has fighters in Serêkaniyê and Kobanê in Rojava and also in Sinjar fighting alongside the HPG/YJA Star guerrillas and the Sinjar Resistance Units (YBŞ) against ISIS. Four MLKP fighters have fallen in the struggle, Serkan Tosun, who died in Serêkaniyê on 14 September 2013 and Suphi Nejat Ağırnaslı (Paramaz Kızılbaş), Sibel Bulut (Sarya Özgür) and Oğuz Saruhan (Algan Zafir), who fell during the resistance in Kobanê. The MLKP is now engaged in trying to form an international brigade and is in contact with revolutionary organisations from Latin America to Europe and from the Balkans to the Far East. MLKP members from Europe have also joined the brigade and Kurdish, Turkish, Arabic, German, English and Spanish are being spoken. However, there is no problem with communication as the mother tongue is the language of revolution.
From Madrid to Rojava
The MLKP’s efforts to create an international brigade recall the international brigades established to defend Madrid during the Spanish Civil War. When I was with the fighters I could hear the words ‘No pasaran’ in my ears. In those days Spain was not just Spain, it was the peoples’ hope and future. Nearly 80 years later communists say: “Rojava is not just Rojava” and are coming to join the international brigade. MLKP commander Dilan Serkan said the party had been in Rojava since 2012, adding that they had predominantly fought in the ranks of the YPG/YPJ. She said: “The Rojava revolution is a new signal flare of hope in the Middle East, Turkey and North Kurdistan. We want to help construct and develop this revolution. As MLKP fighters we are aware of our role and task in this process. We have gained valuable experience here and the idea of an international brigade has grown out of this.”
Rojava is a call for world revolution
Dilan Serkan said that an international brigade would be an expression of international solidarity with Rojava, and would be one of the main channels for carrying the hope of the revolution to the rest of the world. “An international brigade is essential as Rojava might be a small place, but it contains a great treasure. A new hope is putting forth shoots. We therefore wish to emphasise the importance for all parties and organisations of taking ownership of this project and for concrete steps to be taken without delay.”
“Remember August 18 1966 forever. The revolutionary hearts of the Red Guards shall burn eternally. Commemorating the 2nd anniversary of Chairman Mao’s first review of the Red Guards on August 13, 1968.”
by the Editorial Departments of “Hongqi” and “Renmin Ribao”
THE historic document drawn up a year ago under the personal guidance of our great leader Comrade Mao Tse-tung–the May 16, 1968 Circular of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party–is a great Marxist-Leninist document. It is now made known to the general public. It put forward the theory, line, principles and policies of the great proletarian cultural revolution, thus crushing the scheme of the Peng Chen counter-revolutionary revisionist clique for the undermining of the great proletarian cultural revolution in a futile attempt to restore capitalism. This document sounded the clarion call for the advance in the great proletarian cultural revolution.
The “outline report,” which Peng Chen dished up in February last year, is an out-and-out revisionist programme, a programme for restoring capitalism. The appearance of this programme was a devastating exposure of the long-meditated anti-Party, anti-socialist conspiracy of the Peng Chen revisionist clique. The Circular unmasked the Peng Chen counter-revolutionary revisionist clique, and made it bankrupt. This forced a break in the counter-revolutionary revisionist front headed by the Khrushchov of China, and threw it into confusion. This great historic document, drawn up under the personal guidance of Comrade Mao Tse-tung. has creatively developed Marxism-Leninism and solved the question of revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Marx and Engels founded the theory of scientific socialism. Lenin and Stalin developed Marxism, solved a series of questions of the proletarian revolution in the era of imperialism and solved the theoretical and practical questions of establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat in one country. Comrade Mao Tse-tung has developed Marxism-Leninism, solved a series of questions of the proletarian revolution in the present era and solved the theoretical and practical questions of carrying on the revolution and preventing a restoration of capitalism under the dictatorship of the proletariat. These are three monumental milestones in the history of the development of Marxism. The class struggle under the dictatorship of the proletariat, when reduced to a single point, is still the question of political power. This means that the proletariat wants to consolidate its dictatorship while the bourgeoisie wants to overthrow this dictatorship.
And, among the representatives of the bourgeoisie who vainly attempt to subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat, those who do the greatest harm are the ones in authority taking the capitalist road who have sneaked into leading organs of the Party and of political power and who wave “red flags” to oppose the red flag. Chairman Mao points out in this great, historic document: “There are a number of these (representatives of the bourgeoisie) in the Central Committee and in the Party, government and other departments at the central as well as at the provincial, municipal and autonomous region level.” The whole Party must “hold high the great banner of the proletarian cultural revolution, thoroughly expose the reactionary bourgeois stand of those so-called ‘academic authorities’ who oppose the Party and socialism, thoroughly criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois ideas in the sphere of academic work, education, journalism, literature and art and publishing, and seize the leadership in these cultural spheres. To achieve this, it is necessary at the same time to criticize and repudiate those representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the Party, the government, the army and all spheres of culture, to clear them out or transfer some of them to other positions.”
“Those representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the Party, the government, the army and various cultural circles are a bunch of counterrevolutionary revisionists. Once conditions are ripe, they will seize political power and turn the dictatorship of the proletariat into a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Some of them we have already seen through, others we have not. Some are still trusted by us and are being trained as our successors, persons like Khrushchov, for example, who are still nestling beside us. Party committees at all levels must pay full attention to this matter.” The great proletarian cultural revolution, in its most significant practice over the past year, has shown how brilliant these scientific theses of Chairman Mao are!
These scientific theses are the beacon light guiding the great proletarian cultural revolution and the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat; they are the beacon light guaranteeing the transition from socialism to communism. Are there still classes and class struggle in a socialist society, particularly after the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production has in the main been accomplished? Do all the class struggles in society still center around the question of the fight over political power? Under the conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, do we still have to make revolution? Against whom should we make revolution? And how should we carry out the revolution? Marx and Engels could not possibly solve this series of major theoretical problems at their time. Lenin saw that after the proletariat seized power, the defeated bourgeoisie still remained stronger than the proletariat and was always trying to stage a comeback. At the same time, the small producers were incessantly generating capitalism and the capitalist class anew, thus posing a threat to the dictatorship of the proletariat. In order to cope with this counterrevolutionary threat and overcome it, it was therefore necessary to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat over a long period of time. There was no other way. However, Lenin died before he could solve these problems in practice.
Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist who actually cleared out a large number of counter-revolutionary representatives of the bourgeoisie who had sneaked into the Party, including Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Radek, Bukharin, Rykov and their like. But where he failed was in not recognizing, on the level of theory, that classes and class struggle exist in society throughout the historical period of the dictatorship of the proletariat and that the question of who will win in the revolution has yet to be finally settled; in other words, if all this is not handled properly there is the possibility of a come-back by the bourgeoisie. The year before he died, Stalin became aware of this point and stated that contradictions do exist in socialist society and if not properly handled might turn into antagonistic ones.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung has given full attention to the whole historical experience of the Soviet Union. He has correctly solved this series of problems in a whole number of great writings and instructions, in this great historic document and in the most -significant practice of the great proletarian cultural revolution personally initiated and led by him. This is a most important sign indicating that Marxism has developed to an entirely new stage. In the early years of the 20th century, Marxism developed into the stage of Leninism. In the present era, it has developed further into the stage of Mao Tse-tung’s thought.
Chairman Mao tells us that the main targets of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat are the representatives of the bourgeoisie who have wormed their way into the apparatus of the proletarian dictatorship, the handful of Party people in authority taking the capitalist road. The contradiction between the handful of Party people in authority taking the capitalist road on the one hand, and the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers and revolutionary cadres and intellectuals on the other, is the principal contradiction and is an antagonistic one. The struggle to resolve this contradiction is a concentrated manifestation of the struggle between two classes–the proletariat and the bourgeoisie–and two roads, socialism and capitalism.
To expose the handful of Party people in authority taking the capitalist road, put before the public and thoroughly criticize and repudiate their revisionist wares, completely refute, discredit and overthrow them and carry out the struggle to seize power from them–this is the main task that the great proletarian cultural revolution has to accomplish. This is the general orientation of the struggle and we must hold firmly to it. The “person like Khrushchov,” mentioned by Chairman Mao in the document as still nestling beside us, has now been exposed by the masses. This Khrushchov of China is the top Party person in authority taking the capitalist road and is also the chief representative of the bourgeoisie inside the apparatus of the proletarian dictatorship. Factual disclosures have now established that this top Party person in authority taking the capitalist road is a veteran opportunist. Before nationwide victory was achieved, he opposed the seizure of political power by the proletariat. After nationwide victory was won, he opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat, opposed the socialist revolution and wanted to practise capitalism in China.
After the socialist transformation of the ownership of the means of production was in the main accomplished, he wanted to restore capitalism in China. It has now been conclusively proved that the counter-revolutionary revisionist “February outline” by Peng Chen was supported by him and was actually his programme as well What role did he play in regard to the mass movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution? Taking a reactionary bourgeois stand, he exercised a bourgeois dictatorship and suppressed the vigorous movement of the great proletarian cultural revolution. He called black white and stood facts on their heads, encircled and attacked the revolutionaries, suppressed opinions differing from his own, and imposed a white terror, and he did all this with great smugness. He inflated the arrogance of the bourgeoisie and damped down the morale of the proletariat. How utterly pernicious!
It is now crystal clear to all that, among the counter-revolutionary revisionists, among those who would seize political power and turn the dictatorship of the proletariat into a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie once conditions are ripe, as described by Chairman Mao in this great, historic document, the main figure is no other than that top Party person in authority taking the capitalist road. The exposure in broad daylight of the handful of top Party persons in authority taking the capitalist road is a most important event affecting the destiny of our socialist state and the future of the world revolution. It is the most important outcome of the great proletarian cultural revolution. The revolutionary people of China and of the whole world unanimously acclaim this great victory. The intrigues of imperialism and modern revisionism, by which they vainly attempt to create subversion in China through their agents, have suffered the greatest failure.
The fact that the revisionist clique has usurped Party and state leadership and is restoring capitalism in the Soviet Union, the first socialist country, provides the biggest lesson in the history of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the world. It has happened, too, in a number of other socialist countries. And precisely by summing up the historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the world, our great leader Chairman Mao has aroused hundreds of millions of people to undertake the great and historically unparalleled proletarian cultural revolution, providing the surest guarantee that our Party and country will never change political colour. This is Comrade Mao Tse-tung’s greatest contribution in theory and practice to the proletariat of the whole world.
The document announces the dissolution of the former “group of five in charge of the cultural revolution” which was fully controlled by the Peng Chen counterrevolutionary revisionist clique. It announces establishment of a new Central Cultural Revolution Group directly under the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Party’s Central Committee. This is an important measure for currying out the proletarian cultural revolution. The publication of this great historic document is an important event in the political life of our country and in the international communist movement. We have already won tremendous victories in our great proletarian cultural revolution. Yet serious fighting tasks are still ahead of us. We shall thoroughly criticize and completely repudiate, politically, ideologically and theoretically, the handful of top Party persons in authority taking the capitalist road. We shall further bring about the great alliance of the proletarian revolutionaries, unite the greatest possible numbers among the masses and unite the great majority of the cadres. We shall bring about the revolutionary “three-in-one” combination and seize power in those places and departments where this is necessary so that power will be truly taken into the hands of the proletariat. We shall combine the great movement of criticism with the tasks of “struggle-criticism-transformation”* in each unit and successfully carry out these tasks.
We shall work still better to “take a firm hold of the revolution and promote production” so as to ensure the growing prosperity of all kinds of undertakings in the field of socialist construction. The Central Committee of the Party calls on all revolutionary comrades to study this document conscientiously. Through this study, taking into consideration the new situation in the struggle at the present time and the experience gained in the struggle during the past year, they should further arm themselves with Mao Tse-tung’s thought, achieve a better comprehension and grasp of the theory, line, principles and policies set forth by Chairman Mao for the great proletarian cultural revolution, and carry this revolution through to the end.
The present great cultural revolution is only the first; there will inevitably be many more in the future. In the last few years Comrade Mao Tse-tung has said repeatedly that the issue of who will win in the revolution can only be settled over a long historical period. If things are not properly handled, it is possible for a capitalist restoration to take place at any time. It should not be thought by any Party member or any one of the people in our country that everything will be all right after one or two great cultural revolutions, or even three or four. We must very much on the alert and never lose vigilance.
(“Renmin Ribao,” May 18, 1967.)
*“Struggle-criticism-transformation” means: to struggle against and overthrow those persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic “authorities” and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of the superstructure which do not correspond with the socialist economic base. –Tr Peking Review, No. 21, May 19, 1967
Solidarity for the Peoples War in Sri Lanka ” Indian Struggle is our Struggle! Its victory is our victory! its defeat is our defeat!”
Naxal pamphlets recovered, high alert sounded in MP’s Balaghat
Pamphlets asking locals to boycott Republic Day celebration in Madhya Pradesh’s Balaghat district were recovered with police sounding high alert in the naxal-hit district, bordering Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra. Police said the pamphlets were allegedly circulated by rebels under the name of ‘Tada Dalam’ and pasted on walls in rural areas of Devarbeli, Songudda and Machhurda, under Roopjhar police station limits of the district. “The pamphlets urged people to shun Republic Day celebrations and criticised the government, stating it was exploiting tribals and encouraging illegal mining and crone capitalism,” Superintendent of Police, Gaurav Tiwari, told PTI today. The SP said the handbills were recovered yesterday, following which police has sounded red alert last night.
Tiwari said they were investigating whether the pamphlets were pasted by naxals or some other persons to create panic. He said that security has been stepped up in naxal- affected areas in the district and joint search operation of MP police with Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra counterparts has been launched. CRPF personnel too have increased their vigil, he added. In the first phase of panchayat polls, held recently, naxals had given a call to villagers to represent a common candidate to win the elections unopposed, but, locals did not accept it.
Another Maoist attack? NHAI office in Kochi attacked, police recover naxal literature
A project office of National Highway Authority of India in Kochi was attacked allegedly by Maoists on Thursday morning. Police have recovered pro-Maoist literature from the office premises. According to police, the incident was reported around 9 am after the sweeper left the office. The unidentified assailants had burned office files. The incident came to light only when office staff reported for duty in the day. Some of the pamphlets recovered from the office premises have slogans in protest against development of the highways under BOT scheme.
Kochi range IG Ajith Kumar said police have been conducting a combing operation in the city based on intelligence report that Maoists may attack some offices in the city. However, we could not cover all offices, he said. In Kerala, the opposition against NH development under BOT scheme was spearheaded by fringe Muslim and ultra Left outfits. Although mainstream parties have supported widening of the highways into 45-meter width, the government could not go ahead with land acquisition mainly due to the protest from local people and traders.
Former SPG Chief takes charge as CRPF Special DG
Former SPG Chief and senior IPS officer K Durga Prasad today joined the country’s largest paramilitary force CRPF as its Special Director General. Prasad, a 1981-batch officer of Andhra Pradesh cadre, took over formal charge at the force headquarters here and he will soon undertake a tour of the field formations in the country, including those in the anti-Naxal operations grid, officials said. He was shunted out as the Director of the elite Special Protection Group (SPG) in November last year when he was accompanying Prime Minister Narendra Modi on his visit to Kathmandu for the SAARC Summit. Prasad has earlier been with the Central Reserve Police Force and has been credited with raising the elite special anti-Naxal operations unit in the force– Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA)– in 2008 as its Inspector General.
‘Maoists’ Visited Houses after Attack on Hotel
MANANTHAVADY: The armed group which had ransacked Tamarind Easy Hotel run by the Kerala Tourism Development Corporation (KTDC) in Thirunelli the other day, reportedly visited a couple of houses in the vicinity after attacking the resort. According to Sukumarannunni Warrier, a resident of Thirunelli, the gun-wielding persons visited his house around 5 am on January 25 and handed over copies of pro-Maoist newsletters and ‘Kattuthee,’ the mouthpiece of ‘Kabanidalam’, the Communist Party of India (Maoist) wing operating in the Western Ghats region. One of the group members introduced himself to Warrier as Roopesh alias Praveen. The extremists reportedly told him that they would strongly oppose the ‘resort culture’ in the area as it was being done at the expense of poor farmers and tribal people.
Roopesh, who was accused of coordinating the activities of the banned outfit in the state, is in the list of ‘wanted Maoists’ in the state. The gang also visited the residence of Muraleedharan, the owner of a building under construction in the area. The group, comprising four men and two women, were reportedly wearing uniforms similar to those of security forces. Police officials, however, refused to confirm the reports. Meanwhile, the Thunderbolts and the anti-Naxal squad have intensified their search for the gang in the Thirunelli forests under the Begur Forest Range of the North Wayanad Forest Division. The attack on Tamarind followed the late-night attack on ‘Agraharam,’ a private resort in Thirunelli in the early hours of November 18.
Combing operations intensified in Western Ghats
Tirunelveli: Combing operations have been intensified in Western Ghats after an Odisha-based Maoist was nabbed recently in Tenmalai forest area in Kerala, adjacent to this district, forest department officials said here on Thursday. Jaghwanth Poojari, a Maoist from Ghodpur in Odisha, was recently nabbed by forest department personnel in Kerala, and produced before a court at Punalur and remanded to judicial custody, they said. The officials said combing operations were intensified as they feared more Maoists could have sneaked in from Kerala. The operations would continue and permanent armed forest department would be deployed at vantage points, the officials said. PTI
Odisha Tribals protest land ordinance
United under the banner of ‘Koraputia Jana Suakshya Sangh (KJSS)’, tribals held a demonstration at Semiliguda in Koraput district on Wednesday to protest against alleged infringement of their land rights. Environmental and social activists alleged that through the ordinance, the Central Government had attempted to dilute the Right to Fair Compensation, Resettlement and Rehabilitation and Transparency in Land Acquisition Act 2013 and Forest Rights Act. They were critical of weakening of gram sabha during land acquisition process, which had protected the Niyamgiri hill from mining in the recent past. The tribals are also wary of atrocities during anti-Maoist operations by paramilitary forces.
Around 4,000 tribals, who took part in this demonstration at Semiliguda took out a rally and handed over a memorandum addressed to President of India and Odisha governor at the office of the local tehsildar. Their major demand was proper rehabilitation of 971 tribal families that had been displaced because of a unit of Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) at Sunabeda in Koraput district way back in 1962.
Maoists go on rampage in Chhattisgarh panchayat polls
Maoists went on a rampage in Chhattisgarh on Wednesday during the first phase of panchayat polls which have already seen around 50% of the candidates elected unopposed in rebel-dominated Bastar, officials said. Rebels looted ballot boxes from around 30 booths in Sukma, Dantewada and Kanker in Bastar, considered the hotbed of left wing extremism in the country, the officials added. Besides, rebels also fired at a polling party in Kanker district. “No injury or causality was reported in the incident,” PTI quoted inspector general of police (intelligence wing) Deepanshu Kabra as saying. The polls were held amidst tight security in view of a boycott call given by the outlawed CPI (Maoist).
According to state election commission sources, 12,524 panch, sarpanch and janpad panchayat members have been elected unopposed out of 24,611 posts in the seven districts of Bastar. Last week, rebels had killed a sarpanch candidate in Dantewada district. “The impact of Maoist terror can’t be denied and risk factor remains in areas having rebel presence,” state election commissioner PC Dalai said. Dalai added that no polling staff was sent to places where candidates were elected unopposed. Hit hard by a wave of surrender by cadres amidst sustained operations by security forces, Maoists have been attempting to regain lost ground by holding village meetings before the panchayat polls, sources said. Police did not rule out the possibility of Maoist supporters contesting the polls.
“It is, however, not possible to distinguish who are Maoist sympathisers or supporters contesting the panchayat elections,” said RK Vij, the additional director general of police in-charge of anti-Maoist operations. Former state election commissioner Sushil Trivedi said that since the rebels are only interested in economic gains, Maoists may have propped up candidates to “grab a lion’s share from funds earmarked for panchayats.”
Jharkhand: Maoist leader arrested
Garhwa: A Maoist self-styled ‘zonal commander’ was on Wednesday arrested in Garhwa district of Jharkhand, police said. Superintendent of Police Sudhir Kumar Jha said that the rebel, identified as Jagdish Budhayadav, was nabbed from Kulhi village in Bandharia police station following a tip-off. The Maoist carried a reward, the SP said. He, however, did not specify the reward amount. A country-made pistol, four bullets and Rs 1.34 lakh cash were recovered from his possession, Jha said.
Lower Court Rejects Bail Plea of ‘Maoists’
PALAKKAD: The Palakkad Principal Sessions Court rejected the bail application of the duo, suspected to have Maoist links, arrested for attacking a multi-national food joint here, on Tuesday. The court observed that providing bail will adversely affect the ongoing investigation and it was due to this the bail was rejected. The counsel appearing for the accused informed that they will challenge the order in the High Court. “Being the preliminary stage of investigation the court observed that chances are high to affect the case if the accused go out on bail.
The court also observed that despite the duo were arrested there is no end to the thriving Maoist presence in Kerala. The evidence collected also showed the link of the accused with Maoists. By taking all this into account the court rejected bail,” said advocate Sreeprakash, counsel for the accused. On December 22 the duo, Arun Balan, a BEd student, and Srikanth Prabhakaran, a journalism student, were arrested for attacking a KFC Restaurant here . They were presented before the court on December 23. Later, the court released them for nine days in police custody.
Maoists kill civilian in Odisha
The Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres allegedly killed a civilian, identified as Vanthala Bhaskara Rao, in Malkangiri District on January 25, reports The Hindu. The Maoists alleged that Rao was a Police informer. Meanwhile, the Maoists hoisted black flags near Rollagedda in Malkangiri District on January 25 and the ‘east division committee’ of the CPI-Maoist gave a bandh (shut down strike) on Republic Day (January 26) along the Andhra Pradesh-Odisha border, reports The Hindu. Further, the Maoists also cut a pipeline of Essar company near Rollagedda in Malkangiri District on January 25, reports The Hindu.
¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!
LA GUERRA DE AGRESIÓN IMPERIALISTA ESTÁ DE REGRESO A CASA
La primera constatación y de mayor importancia para el desarrollo de la situación actual que tenemos que hacer con relación a lo ocurrido en Paris-Francia el 7 del presente mes y año es que la guerra de agresión imperialista está de regreso a casa. Es un hecho innegable que las acciones cruentas contra la redacción de la revista “Charlie Hebdo” y el mercado judio ha sido un acto de guerra que ha golpeado al imperialismo francés en su propo suelo y remecido a los demás países imperialistas, a “estremecido el débil equilibrio político europeo” apuntó The Wall Street Journal (WST, 13 de enero de 2014).
Ni el gobierno francés ni los medios a su servicio, ni lo conocido sobre los autores, planeamiento y ejecución de estas acciones de guerra permite establecer con seguridad autoría de “al Qaida” o el “Estado Islámico de Siria e Irak” ( “Estado Islámico”- ISIS o IS, por sus siglas en inglés). Claro está, que los representantes del imperialismo francés en su propaganda manipulan esto porque necesitan crear opinión pública favorable para la guerra imperialista de agresión como “guerra contra el terrorismo del IS”.
Aunque los mismos hermanos Chérif Said Koguachi así como Amedy Coulibaly han pretendido presentar los hechos como dirigidos por “al Qaida” y el “IS” , los que han tratado de alguna forma de asumir su autoría, esto resulta contraproducente, pues compiten entre ellas sangrientamente en Siria. Sólo hay algo cierto e innegable, que estas acciones son el fruto del desarrollo de las propias contradicciones internas en Francia y de la agresión del imperialismo francés contra los países oprimidos del Medio Oriente que viene de vuelta a su propio suelo. Situación nacional e internacional que a ellos los ha golpeado con especial violencia como habitantes de los Banlieues e hijos de inmigrantes y procedente de esa región del mundo con la cual se sienten identificados.
En la masa honda y profunda del pueblo en Francia, sobre todo la que vive en estos barrios, está en ascenso un “estado de ánimo” que se manifiesta en profundo odio contra el Estado imperialista francés y todo el sistema que representa y defiende, una creciente indignación contra el genocidio imperialista y de los sionista contra los pueblos oprimidos y especialmente el pueblo palestino, así como contra la propaganda de guerra que a diario propalan los diferentes medio masivos, algunos con contenido humillante contra ellos, como las “caricaturas de Mahoma”. Ese estado de anímo es la fuerza que ha movido a actuar a los hermanos Koguachi y a Coulibaly contra lo que más odian representado en este caso por los periodistas de Charlie Hebdo, los policias y las personas del mercado judío.
ANTES DE CONDENAR Y CONVERTIRSE EN JUECES IMPLACABLES LO QUE CORRESPONDE ES HACERSE UNA PROFUNDA AUTOCRÍTICA Y RECTIFICAR
Decimos esto, porque lo expuesto anteriormente indica el desarrollo de las condiciones objetivas de la revolución en los países imperialistas y, a su vez, el atraso de la tarea de la reconstitución del Partido Comunista. Esta tiene que desarrollarse centrada en el trabajo de masas y la construcción principalmente allí donde está esa mása más honda y profunda, la más pobre, la más explotada y oprimida. La situación objetiva esta clamando a gritos organizar y dirigir a las masas con la ideología y la política del proletariado.
El alejamiento de esta masa honda y profunda que nos muestran los hechos, demuestra que no se lleva la ideología y la política comunista (el maoísmo) a esas masas y como no puede existir espacio vacío, ante nuestra ausencia y nuestra inacción, ese espacio es ocupado por otras fuerzas con ideología ajena y contraria a la del proletariado(1). Así, una parte considerable de estas masas toman el “islamismo” (en su versión salafista, la más retrógrada) como ideología, como la fuerza impulsora de su acción. Entonces no es problema de ellos, en definitiva de las masas, sino problema nuestro, problema de no asumir la tarea de la reconstitución del PC trasladando el peso del trabajo de masas en esta etapa a la masa más pobre.
LA GUERRA DE AGRESIÓN IMPERIALISTA EN EL “MEDIO ORIENTE AMPLIADO”
En Irak, Siria, Afganistan, Palestina (bajo ocupación sionista), Yemén, Libia hasta Malí, se desarrolla una cada vez más encarnizada y genocida guerra de agresión imperialista encabezada por el imperialismo yanqui en su condición de superpotencia hegemónica única. Una nueva edición de la “coalisión de los dispuestos” que tiene como aliado principal a Francia, en el marco de esta guerra, lleva la actual campaña contra Siria e Irak (países oprimidos), que se desarrolla desde el mes de septiembre con bombardeo aéreo y el uso de fuerzas lacayas sobre el terreno, cuyas operaciones de combate son dirigidas desde el centro de comando del imperialismo yanqui establecido en su base principal en Irak y la participación de oficiales y fuerzas combinadas de comandos de las fuerzas de intervención imperialista sobre el terreno.
Pero están obligados a ocupar estos países desplegando sus fuerzas terrestres cuando sea necesario, como lo han señalado voceros del Pentágono. Esto sucede, en una Región del mundo de gran importancia política, económica y militar para la estrategía hegemónica del imperialismo yanqui, la que él denomina “Medio Oriente Ampliado”. Región vital para mantener su hegemonía ya que comunica tres continentes. Esta región ha devenido en centro estratégico de la disputa imperialista por su importancia militar y sus reservas de petróleo. Región donde las masas están desarrollando una creciente resistencia armada contra el imperialismo en medio de grandes, complejas y persistentes luchas.
Que se entrecruzan con conflictos de todo tipo que se desarrollan también como guerras locales o regionales que son asusadas por el imperialismo. Es también el “núcleo histórico del Islam”. Los países de esta región son países semifeudales y semicoloniales con mucho atraso donde se desarrolla un capitallismo burocrático. Sobre esa base se da el conflicto entre las facciones reaccionarias, entre los llamados “régimenes seculares” como lo fue el de Sadam en Irak o el de Asad en Siria con los partidos islamistas “chiitas” o “salafistas” o en Egipto actual del régimen militar con los “Hermanos Musulmanes” (cuyo gobierno fue muy obediente con el imperialismo yanqui y contestado por el régimen “bahabista” o “salafista” de la reyesía sirviente de los yanquis y británico de Saudi Arabia, pero fue apoyado por otra reyesía islamista pero chiita del Golfo, la de Catar; porque el “Islam” no es uno sólo sino que esta dividido en dos direcciones principales y muchas otras sobre todo dentro de los sunitas. Nunca se han unido después que se dividieron luego de la muerte de Mahoma, sólo lo hicieron una vez con Saladino en el siglo XII (Preseidente Gonzalo).
Las luchas políticas y las guerras en esta región se presenten “cubiertas bajo un manto religioso” (Marx). Como ya hemos dicho en estos apuntes, el plan del imperialismo actúa sobre las condiciones internas. Entonces, también hay que considerar dentro de estas condiciones, que detrás de las facciones y grupos terrateniente-burocráticos que actúan alli están directamente y principalmente envueltos Saudí Arabia (que actua movido por el gran titiritero el imperialismo Yanqui) e Iran cuyo valedor es el “perro flaco” (imperialismo ruso). En las contiendas que se producen en la región se da una serie de entrecruzamientos y cambios de frente, lo cual hace la situación muy compleja. Yemén, por ejemplo, tiene un gobierno encabezado por un chiita sirviente de los yanquis, coludido con tribus chiitas del norte del país con vínculos con Irán. Gobierno cuyas tropas bajo la dirección directa del imperialismo yanqui y sus bombardeos aereos combate con el apoyo de tropas de Arabia Saudi (wahabista o salfista) a las tribus de religion wahabista o salafistas del sur del país dirigidas por al Qaida. Alguien ha dicho que por esa “comlejidad tiene una gran similitud con la Guerra de los Treinta Años en Europa”.
El Presidente Mao en “Sobre la Táctica de la Lucha contra el Imperialismo Japonés” (27 de diciembre de 1935, I Tomo de las Obras Escogidas) nos enseña que cuando se da un ataque directo del imperialismo contra un país oprimido, se produce “enormes cambios en la situación política”, la cuál “plantea ante cada clase y cada grupo político la custión de qué hacer: ¿Resistir? ¿Capitular? ¿O vacilar entre lo uno y lo otro?”. Nos dice, que el cambio básico en la situación, la invasión del imperialismo, modifica las relaciones de las diversas clases del país, ampliando el campo de la revolución nacional y debilitando el de la contrarrevolución. Puntualiza que en tales condiciones se da la ausencia de completa unidad incluso en el campo de la clase terrateniente y la burguesía compradora porque la lucha se dirige contra un país imperialista (o una “coalición” como la que encabeza el imperialismo yanqui) y los otros perros de presa de los otros paises imperialistas (como el imperialismo ruso) pueden lanzarse a una pelea sorda o incluso abierta contra (éste).
Y aconseja: que debemos aprovechar cada una de las peleas, brechas y contradicciones en el campo enemigo y utilizarlas contra nuestro enemigo principal del momento y sus perros de presa. Por eso es necesario hacer un breve recuento de la invasión yanqui y la resistencia iraquí y la agresión imperialista disimulada como guerra civil contra Siria hasta el acuerdo del gobierno de Asad con el imperialismo yanqui de octubre de 2013 y los cambios operados en la situación en Irak y Siria a partir del año pasado hasta la actualidad. Para ver como se están ubicando las diferentes fuerzas de esos países. En Irak pasados dos meses de la invasión yanqui de marzo de 2003 comenzó la resistencia, que fue en ascenso hasta el 2006-07, a partir del 2008-09 las fuerzas de la resistencia fueron golpeadas por “the surge” (ofensiva yanqui con aumento de tropas).
A finales de 2009 parte de estas fuerzas se van a refugiar en Siria, en lugares seguros donde van a comenzar a reorganizarse transformando parte de al-Qaida en ISIS entre 2012 y 2014, la otra parte sigue como al-Nusra, esto también como resultado en parte de la agresión imperiaista contra Siria, disimulada como guerra civil. Para lanzarlos contra el gobierno sirio, los yanquis a través de Arabia Saudi los armó y financió hasta mediados de 2013 donde los saudí suspendieron todo trato con estos. Los yanquis a través de la CIA y otros imperialistas de la OTAN, en Turquía, constituyeron el Ejército de Siria Libre (FSA, siglas en inglés). A su vez, los partidos kurdos en los cantones de mayoría kurda (a lo largo de la frontera con Turquía) como consecuencia de la llamada “guerra civil” fueron asumiendo la administración y defensa de estos cantones, primero haciendo frente con el gobierno de Asad. Considerar en esto que el partido curdo de estos cantones el PYP es partido hermano del PKK “socio” menor del partido de Barsani.
Como consecuencia de la agresión y plan imperialista contra Siria, entre el 2013 y el 2014, el país quedó practicamente dividido en cinco partes y Siria es convertida en un “Estado fallido”. Una parte bajo control del gobierno sirio de al Asad en Damasco y otras grandes ciudades, otra parte son los cantones curdos como Kobani, otra en el norte bajo dominio de al-Nusra, otra bajo el dominio de la FSA y la mayor parte bajo el dominio del IS, quienes a partir de junio de 2014 van a establecer su “Califato de Siria e Irak”. La lucha entre estos feudos o“reinos” es cada vez más sangrienta, entre los islamistas esto a causado más de 3000 muertos. De aquí que cada una de estas partes es consecuencia del hundimiento del Estado sirio acelerado por la agresión imperialista. Ni Kobani ni menos el autodenominado “califato” tinen otro carácter de clase que el del Estado terrateniente-burocrático al servicio del imperialismo que ha tenido el Estado sirio.
Por otro lado, en Irak, el 2011 los imperialistan yanquis van a simular la retirda del país, dejando establecido su régimen de ocupación con su “orden y ley”, con un gobierno títere (Al Malik como Primer Ministro), con fuerzas armadas y policiales organizadas por los yanquis, quienes mantienen su mando, incorporando como parte de este ejército a las fuerzas armadas del mercenario Barsani, jefe del gobierno autónomo de la región kurda de Irak establecida por el orden de ocupación, que fue ligada política, económica y militarment al Estado turco, como una zona de influencia. Esto para contrarrestar la influencia de Irán en un país de mayoría chiita. En verano de 2014 el ISIS o IS cruzaron la frontera de Siria y se unen al levantamiento que se produce en Irak contra el régimen impuesto por el ocupante.
Entonces como estaba establecido, para mantener su “orden y ley” los yanquis van a intervenir en una nueva campaña contra el pueblo de Irak, usando como “botas sobre el terreno” a las fuerzas mercenarias de Barsani y a las fuerzas del PKK, partido curdo, que tiene su refugio y cuartel general en la región curda de Irak bajo control de Barsani. ¿Como se van decantando las diferentes fuerzas que actúan en Siria desde septiembre de 2014, cuando se dio inicio a la nueva fase de la agresión imperialista contra Siria, la nueva campaña de guerra imperialista contra Irak y Siria? Brevemente: tener en cuenta que el imperialismo yanqui llegó a un acuerdo preliminar con el gobierno de los ayatolas de Irán sobre la cuestión de el “uso de la energía nuclear”, por el que se le amplia el plazo de enero a junio de este año para acceder a un acuerdo definitivo, contando con la ayuda de Rusia de Putin a cambio seguramente que le baje la presión en Ucrania.
Luego las Fuerzas Armadas de Irán han bombardeado al IS en la región fronteriza y hay tropas terrestres que ayudan al gobierno títere iraqui a combatir al IS. Así se ha sumado en la práctica a la “coalición” dirigida por el imperialismo yanqui contra Irak. Por su lado, Arabia Saudi ha pasado a combatir como parte de la “coalición” al IS y a su vez a sufrido un atentado en su frontera por parte del IS. La actual campaña dirigida por el imperialismo yanqui centra en Irak principalmente y están tratando de recuperar terreno perdido por las fuerzas armadas títeres en Mosul y la mayor parte del país que esta en manos de quienes se han levantado contra el régimen impuesto por el ocupante. En Siria el PYP y los mandamases de los cantones “kurdos” reciben ayuda del imperialismo yanqui através de los bombardeos aéreos, tres cuartas partes de los bombardeos aéreos dirigidos por USA se han centrado en la lucha contra el IS en la ciudad de Kobani en la frontera turca. Coordinando conlas fuerzas curdas en el área, la campana de USA ha impedido que las fuerzas del IS tomen Kobani (según el vocero oficial Crl. Ryder del Central Command, the WSJ de 16-18 de enero de 2015).
Parte de las fuerzas de los otros feudos o “reinos” se están pasando al IS según la misma fuente. Los yanquis en Siria procuran mantener el balance entre las fuerzas de Asad y el IS y los otros “opositores”. Mientras van construyendo las divisiones armadas del FSA que la CIA entrena en Jordania y Turquía para lanzar su ofensiva terrestre, calculan entre tres a cuatro anos para así imponer “el orden y ley” yanqui en Siria. Esta táctica yanqui busca poner sobre las cuerdas a Asad y llevarlo a capitular definitivamente. El problema que se presenta, en los países del Medio Oriente, es la no existencia de un Partido Comunista por eso las diferentes fuerzas, incluyendo las minorías nacionales, no están confluyendo en un sólo frente único nacional (tarea del Partido). Más aún, que la dirección de esta lucha está siendo usurpada por organizaciones correspondientes a las fuerzas terrateniente-burocráticas y sus diferentes facciones. Pero la tendencia es que se den claramente los dos frentes.
Las fuerzas del imperialismo yanqui, francés y demás “coaligados” y los colaboracionistas y vendepatrias pretender transformar el país en una colonia; a las fuerzas de la resistencia nacional, en cambio, lo que les corresponde, es hacer del país uno que goce de independencia, libertad e integridad territorial. Las fuerzas contrarrevolucionarias en el Medio Oriente y en el resto del mundo son, por el momento, más potentes que las fuerzas revolucionarias. Pero nos encontramos en el inicio de la nueva gran ola de la revolución proletaria mundial cuando esta se encuentra en la etapa de la ofensiva estratégica y el imperialismo está en la de su defensiva estratégica y barrimiento por la revolución mundial. Lo que plantea transformar todas estas guerras de agresión imperialista en guerras populares para fundirlas en un solo torrente de guerra popular mundial. Estos días se ha publicado una carta de saludo del Partido Comunistra Maoísta de la India a los camaradas de Afganistán donde se habla de la esperiencia de estos camaradas que luchan en esta región y en condiciones similares a las que hemos tratado. Es necesidad aprender de la experiencia de los maoístas en Afganistán al respecto.
Pero en el MCI se presentan problemas para luchar contra la guerra imperialista de agresión en el Medio Oriente y su regreso a los países imperialistas, eso se puede constatar facilmente de la simple lectura de los comuncados emitidos por las diferenes organizaciones y partidos dentro del MCI con respecto a los sucesos de Paris. Problema allá y problema aquí. No se parte de la concepción maoísta con respecto al frente único como instrumento para organizar y agrupar a los millones y millones de hombres del pueblo así como a todas las fuerzas que puedan ser unidas apara luchar contra el invasor a fin de lanzarnos al ataque contra nuestro blanco central: el imperialismo yanqui y sus coaligados y sus lacayos, los vendepatrias en el Medio Oriente y eso se ve también en estos países imperialistas para unir a los más amplios sectores en la lucha contra el imperialismo y la guerra imperialista.
Esto, nos enseña el Presidente Mao, lleva a que no tengamos unidad para apuntar contra el enemigo principal que tenemos delante (táctica correcta); sino que, por el contrario, dispersaremos el fuego de tal manera que nuestras balas, en lugar de alcanzar al enemigo principal, darán en los enemigos secundarios o incluso a nuestros posibles aliados (táctica incorrecta). Procediendo así, nos será imposible acorralar y aislar al enemigo. Procediendo así, nos será imposible atraer a nuestro lado a aquellos que bajo coacción se hallan en el campo o el frente enemigos, a aquellos que ayer eran enemigos nuestros, pero que hoy pueden ser amigos nuestros. Proceder así sería ayudar de hecho al enemigo y frenar, aislar y menoscabar a la revolución y hacerla declinar, e incluso conducirla a la derrota.
¡Condenamos la guerra imperialista contra los países del Medio Oriente!
¡Enfrentar la guerra de agresión imperialista con guerra popular!
¡Viva el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, principalmente el maoísmo!
Enero de 2015
(1) Dice la revista alemana “Der Spiegel”, que en la búsqueda de respuestas a investigado la historia de los personajes principales de estos ataques. Un viaje tras huellas…Es un viaje en los abismos de la sociedad francesa, en “hogares para infantes”, centros sociales y en las prisiones, pero también en las redes de islamistas radicales y terroristas, que en Francias desde hace décadas están especialmente activos” (“Fueron buenos ninos”, reportage de la reviste Der Spiegel, 76 a 84, Nr. 4, 17.01.2015). Y en la misma revista, la redactora pregunta sí el peligro ahora no proviene más de organizaciones terroristas como al-Qaida sino de jóvenes furiosos y el experto conteta que sí y que ellos son más peligrosos porque se radicalizan ellos mismos ( “Conversación de la revista Spiegel con el experto en el Islam Olivier Roy, págs. 90 a 92).
“Closely follow Chairman Mao’s strategic plans, and set in motion a new upsurge of great revolutionary criticism.”
This time I returned to Shanghai for the National Day festival and stayed there for 12 days. During the period, I made some investigations. I convened several investigation meetings and took a look at the basic echelon, including the Diesel Plant where armed struggle had been most fierce. Once I got in touch with the masses, I learned a lot of new and lively things. I deeply felt that the important instructions Chairman Mao has recently put forward all reflect the inner demands of the broad masses of revolutionary people and touched on the most important and critical problems of the current revolutionary movement, and therefore, they possess boundless power. Take the training class for example. Cadres need it; so do the leaders of rebels.
The No. 8 Dye Plant, which produces activated dye, has opened eight study classes since the establishment of the revolutionary committee in July. Each class lasting from one week to ten days studies the “three constantly read articles” and other works by the Chairman. Participants include regiment leaders of the rebel groups as well as those cadres who have committed mistakes. The class concentrates on solving two problems:
1. How to use the Chairman’s thought as a guideline for ideological and political work;
2. How to deal with the masses correctly, unite the masses, and not to be divorced from the masses.
After new cadres have held power, the main complaint by the workers is that they have seldom mingled with the masses. To study in this manner is very effective. Short-term study classes of this kind may be conducted by plants and other organizations. When they hear the Chairman’s latest instructions, they immediately feel that they are the reflection of their innermost feelings. Several problems are covered by my investigation: 1. The problem of the National Party Congress and that of the Party; 2. The problem of having better troops and simpler administration; 3. The problem of mass criticism and repudiation; 4. The problem of great alliance. Now I shall report the first two problems to you, hoping to receive instructions from you.
1. THE PROBLEM OF THE NINTH PARTY CONGRESS
At four symposia (with the revolutionary committee, Red Guards, rebel Party members at factories and schools, and P.L.A. comrades),on the basis of Chairman Mao’s instructions, I solicited opinions from the audience. I had expected that the participants would be surprised, but it was not so, since discussions had already taken place among the rebels. Apparently, the masses had been thinking about this matter. When should it be convened? The overwhelming majority believed that it should be held as early as possible. Most of them said it should be held in the first half of next year and should not be later than the fall of that year. How should the delegates be produced? Should they be selected from bottom to top, level by level?
A few comrades thought it should be done in this way; however, most of them did not express definite opinions. They said: “In the past candidates were actually decided by the superior. After one year of the Cultural Revolution, the political failures of many people, whether good or bad, have been seen even more clearly, more clearly than at any previous times, therefore, delegates may be selected through consultations with concerned quarters and then approved by Party congresses of cities, districts, or neighborhoods.” “It may be begun at the central level with the opening of the National Party Congress. When there is a program, it will be more advantageous for the Party congresses at each level to meet.”
“Chairman Mao has said that the form should not be restricted, but the content should be stressed; the name does not matter much, but essence is important.” There were even some comrades who suggested: “The National People’s Congress should be convened in the same way; it should be held at the same time with the Ninth Party Congress in order to solve the problem of Liu Shao-ch’i.” Red Guards said: “A greater number of representatives from workers and Red Guards should be allowed to be present at the Congress.” “It is better to absorb some workers and Red Guards into the Party.” Shall Wang Ming be selected? Shall Liu [Shao-ch'i], Teng [Hsiao-p'ing], and Tao [Chu] be selected? Shall Peng [Chen], Lo [Jui-ch'ing], Lu [Ting-i], and Yang [Shang-kun] be selected? The consensus of opinion was that they should not be selected. “Wang Ming has become a citizen of the Soviet Union. Can we select a Russian agent?” “All renegades should not be selected, which is a big principle.” “Liu Shao-ch’i is a renegade and he should be further criticized and liquidated.” There were some who said: “Chairman Mao may decide to keep a few teachers of negative example, if so, we should listen to Chairman Mao. But, we hope there will not be too many, and they should first be thoroughly criticized.” People generally know more about Liu than Teng.
How about the leadership organ of the Party? Many comrades were of the opinion that it might take the form of the revolutionary committee. There is the Party nucleus in the revolutionary committee which is authorized to perform the functions of the municipal council. The good point about this is unified leadership which facilitates association with the masses and the thorough implementation of Chairman Mao’s proletarian line. There was another opinion which was that when formal power organs are established in the future, the division of power between the municipal council and the municipal people’s council will still be necessary, otherwise, it would be difficult to hold a people’s congress, because, if a person is busy with government affairs, he will inevitably neglect Party affairs.
Many comrades believed that in places where revolutionaries had already been established, the Party should have a leadership nucleus, and outstanding leaders of the rebel groups could be absorbed into the Party and allowed to frequently participate in the nucleus meeting of the Party. This nucleus meeting, just as has been pointed out by Chairman Mao, should not be formed subjectively or self-proclaimed; they should be naturally formed and developed in the course of struggle.
Reorganization of the Party should not start from the basic level, but from the leadership organ. The districts, counties, and bureaus and units equivalent to bureaus in Shanghai had established 35 bodies of three-way alliance by October 5 with a total of 856 committee members of which 457 were Party members, representing 53 percent. A group of comparatively good Party members have already been elected to the leadership bodies by the revolutionary masses. Some outstanding revolutionaries have practically played the role of Party members. I believe this opinion is fairly reasonable and may be used as a reference. I do not know whether this is correct or not.
Before the “January Revolution,” few Party members joined rebels, generally from two to five percent. After January of this year, more Party members successively joined the rebels, the percentage varying from 40 to 80. The practical experience of class struggle has told us that our proletarian revolutionary party — the vanguard of the proletariat—must be formed on the foundation of revolutionary workers, revolutionary peasantry, revolutionary fighters, revolutionary intellectuals, and revolutionary cadres, and only in this way can we lead several tens of thousands of masses to carry the proletarian revolution through to the end. “The call for restoring the Party organization is not a good slogan; it will be easily distorted as meaning a return to the old situation.” It should be called reorganization and transformation. The revisionist stuff of Liu Shao-ch’i needs continued vigorous criticism. These points warrant special attention:
First, the question of the nature of the Party and its mission. Second, the question of the line of Party building. (“Those who have made a good performance in production and are obedient may be allowed to join the Party.”) Third, the question of relationship with the masses. (This is a fundamental problem. Some party members manifested deep hatred when talking about how they had become “docile tools” for revisionism under the pernicious influence of Liu Shao-ch’i's black “Self-Cultivation” and how they had been deceived by the Liu-Teng line during the early period of the Cultural Revolution and thus took steps to suppress the masses.) Fourth, the question of democratic centralism and consolidating proletarian dictatorship. All this requires using the Mao Tse-tung thought to thoroughly criticize and repudiate Liu Shao-ch’i's revisionist viewpoints. Is this conclusion correct or not?
A unanimous earnest wish is that Volume V of the Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung can be published before the opening of the Ninth Party Congress to provide historical material on the struggle between the two lines within the Party. Many Party members (particularly rebel groups of workers) have hoped to gain a greater understanding of the Party history, to learn the origin and development of the struggle between Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line and the bourgeois counterrevolutionary line, and to know the historical background of certain personages. In the past, they could read the “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party,” but now the document is no longer useful.
2. THE PROBLEM OF HAVING BETTER TROOPS AND SIMPLER ADMINISTRATION
This is an urgent problem. Over the past several months, staff members of the Municipal Revolutionary Committee have increased considerably. At present, there are 20 departments with 3,229 employees. There are 763 workers in the General Office alone, which does not include those of revolutionary mass organizations who have left their production posts. Anyway, this organization is too big. The bigger the structure, the greater the chances for bad elements of all types to penetrate and for leading cadres to be divorced from the masses.
Once hit by the sugar-coated bullets of the bourgeoisie, they [leading cadres] will develop the mountain-stronghold mentality. The increase of personnel in some departments was due to the development of mountain-stronghold mentality. After consulting with Comrade Chun-chiao, we decided that at least half or two-thirds or even more of the personnel should be slashed.The ideological work in this respect is very difficult and important. We have already transmitted to leading cadres the Chairman’s instructions concerning having better troops and simpler administration. The problems concerning the relationship between cadres and the masses, having better troops and simpler administration, and ideological and political work, and training classes as well as continuation of mass criticism must be given attention by special editorials of the People’s Daily and Red Flag. And the Chairman’s important instructions shall be quoted in these editorials. Is this consideration correct or not?
Since January of this year, most of the rebel leaders have gradually become mature in the course of struggle and have learned how to hold and wield power for the proletariat. The situation is excellent and is becoming better and better. In cities and districts and at the basic level, we saw a large number of good cadres with high spirits who dared to make revolution and to shoulder the burden. But, there were also a small number of comrades who began to enjoy feasts, applause, flattery, and driving in sedans. Hit by the sugar-coated bullets of the bourgeoisie one by one, they began to be divorced from the masses and no longer desired to go deep among the masses and be their pupils.
A Red Guard organization of middle school students wrote to us, criticizing some leaders for “seeking fame, fortune, limelight, and physical enjoyment.” They voiced the hope that “a warning will be signaled in order to effect revolutionization.” This reminded me of the brief episode of “three anti’s” in 1949. In addition to study classes, Comrade Chun-chiao is prepared to hold a few small-sized meetings for educational purposes and for face-to-face talks. I am afraid that too much of your precious time may be taken away. Therefore my letter stops here. The report on the other two problems will be made later. Enclosed for your reference is a copy of the minutes of the symposium of Party members. With a revolutionary salute of the proletariat.
Issues and Studies (Taipei), vol. vii, no. 1 (October 1971)
Andhra Pradesh: Maoists: Waning Support
Communist Party of India – Maoist (CPI-Maoist) cadres, along with a large number of armed militia members and sympathisers, attacked and destroyed an Ashram(hermitage) of a local spiritual guru, Jaggamdora Simhachalam akaSatyanarayana, at Gurramveedhi village in the G. Madugula mandal (administrative unit) of Vishakhapatnam District, Andhra Pradesh, in the night of January 17, 2015. Simhachalam was not at his Ashram at the time of the attack. Maoists beat up six persons present in the Ashram and set afire furniture, vehicles and a shed. Claiming responsibility for the incident the Korukonda ‘local area committee’, left pamphlets and hung a banner saying that the Ashram was attacked in retaliation to the killing of Sharath and militia member P. Ganapathi on October 19, 2014, and that Simhachalam would not be spared.
‘Divisional committee member’ Sindri China Ranga Rao aka Sharath and P. Ganapathi were lynched by locals while Maoists were taking Simhachalam to apraja court (‘people’s court’) near Korukonda Shandy, after killing G. Sanjeeva Rao on ‘charges’ of being a Police informer. Another Maoist militia member, Korra Nageswara Rao, was also believed to have been killed in this incident, but, as facts emerged later, he survived after being dumped in a nearby stream, and subsequently escaped. On November 27, he was seen talking to the media during a memorial meeting held by the Maoists in the Vishakhapatnam Agency area. The Maoists’ revenge attack notwithstanding, the lynching incident in what was long a Maoist stronghold indicates that even the residual strength of the Maoists in Andhra Pradesh is waning.
Further, on January 21, 2015, 34 Maoist sympathisers surrendered before the Police at Rajavommangi in East Godavari District. It is significant that, after a protracted political slug fest and acrimonious protests, Andhra Pradesh was officially bifurcated to create the new State of Telangana on June 2, 2014. According to the arrangement, Hyderabad will remain the joint capital for both the States for ten years, after which Andhra Pradesh will have its own capital and Hyderabad will be transferred entirely to Telangana. The residuary Andhra Pradesh has 13 Districts and Telangana has 10. Most of the Maoist affected Districts in the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh have gone to Telangana. According to South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), in the undivided Andhra Pradesh, by the end of 2013, Maoist activity appeared to have been substantially confined to Visakhapatnam and Khammam Districts, while Karimnagar, Warangal, Srikakulam, Nalgonda, Mahabubnagar, East and West Godavari Districts remained marginally affected.
The residual State of Andhra Pradesh, inherited just one District, Visakhapatnam, with moderate Maoist activity and three Districts – East Godavari, West Godavari and Srikakulam – with marginal Maoist activity. However, seven mandals of the erstwhile Khammam District, which had a considerable Maoist presence, have been added to East and West Godavari District. According to SATP data, the present (residual) Andhra Pradesh has recorded 10 fatalities, including five civilians and five Maoists, in LWE related incidents of violence in 2014, as compared to eight fatalities including six civilians and two Maoists in 2013 in the same areas. This suggests that Andhra Pradesh has sustained the advantage it had secured against the Maoists before the division of the State.
While civilian fatalities remain comparable, Maoist fatalities have gone up from two to five. There were no SF fatalities in either year. In terms of spatial distribution, fatalities in 2014 were reported from three Districts – Vishakhapatnam (three civilians and two Maoists), Prakasam (three Maoists) and East Godavari (two civilians). In 2013, fatalities were reported from three Districts of the comparable area of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh – Vishakhapatnam (four civilians and one Maoist), East Godavari (two civilians) and Nellore (one Maoist). Two major incidents (each involving three or more fatalities) were recorded in 2014 – one in Prakasam (three Maoists killed in an encounter with SFs on June 19 and another in Vishakhapatnam (one civilian and two Maoists, on October 19). The Maoists had engineered just one major incident in 2013, killing three tribals in the Lakkavaram forest area in G.K. Veedhi mandal of Visakhapatnam District on February 19.
No major incidents were reported in 2012 and 2011 in the residual Andhra Pradesh areas. Maoists engineered one swarming attack (involving 50 or more cadres/militia members) each in 2014 and 2013. On January 27, 2014, 20 CPI-Maoist cadres accompanied by an estimated 50 militia members triggered blasts at two coffee pulping units and a godown of the Andhra Pradesh Forest Development Corporation’s coffee pulping yard at Chapagedda in GK Veedhi mandal in Visakhapatnam District. Earlier on July 6, 2013, some 20 CPI-Maoist cadres along with about 70 militia members raided the house of a former chairman of the Agriculture Marketing Committee of Chintapalli mandal, Vantala Subba Rao in his native Bayalu Kinchangi village under Choudapalli Panchayat of Visakhapatnam District.
The Maoists were involved in at least two exchanges of fire, two explosions, four incidents of arson and gave calls for bandhs (general shutdown strikes) on two occasions in 2014; in 2013 they were involved in at least three exchanges of fire, one explosion, one incident of arson, four cases of assault and gave calls forbandhs on three occasions. The Maoists held a meeting on November 27, 2014, in memory of the cadres lynched in the October 19 incident. The meeting was organised somewhere near the location of the incident, and people from 33 villages under the Balapam Gram Panchayat were asked to attend. The meeting was reportedly addressed by the party’s ‘east division secretary’ Kailasam, and many top leaders at the State level were also present.
Reports suggest that more than a hundred party functionaries attended. Kailasam announced that coffee plantations at Siribala, RV Nagar and Chapagedda would be distributed to the Girijans (tribals) soon, since the party believed that the forest wealth belonged to the Girijans. Six coffee plantations had been ‘allocated’ by the Maoists to the Girijans in the past. Overall, Maoist activities appear to have been substantially confined to Visakhapatnam District, while East and West Godavari and Srikakulam Districts remain marginally affected. However, with the transfer of seven mandals from the Khammam District of the Telangana region, close to the troubled Chhattisgarh border, to the residual Andhra Pradesh State, the East and West Godavari Districts may see an increase in Maoist activities in the foreseeable future.
On December 29, 2014, Andhra Pradesh Director General of Police (DGP) J.V. Ramudu disclosed that Police had arrested 75 Naxalites (left wing extremists), while another 93 surrendered through 2014. Maoists were involved in over a dozen reported crimes during the year, including the killing of four civilians. Five Maoists were shot dead in exchange of fire in different places and the Police seized 17 weapons from their possession. However, giving an assessment of Maoist activities in Visakhapatnam District, particularly in the Agency area, Superintendent of Police (SP) Koya Praveen stated, on December 29, 2014, that a total of 83 persons had been arrested during the year, including nine extremists, 28 militia members and 46 sympathisers, as against 66 persons, including three extremists, 32 militia members and 31 sympathisers in 2013. The arrests included an active member of the CPI-Maoist Galikonda ‘area committee’, identified as Pangi Bhaskara Rao, and of the Kalimela ‘area committee’, Korra Santhi.
On August 22, 2014, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister, N. Chandrababu Naidu, during a discussion in the State Assembly, disclosed that 83 underground Maoist cadres from Andhra Pradesh had been identified as active, of whom 61 were known to be operating in the State, while the remaining were operating from Chhattisgarh and other States. Interestingly, while giving an assessment of Maoist numbers, Visakhapatnam Superintendent of Police Koya Praveen noted that, while it was not possible to give the exact number, it was estimated that the East Visakha Joint Division chief Chalapathi and his deputy Bakuri Venkata Ramana alias Ganesh were moving around with about 40 to 50 hardcore cadres, each.
Similarly, Galikonda area committee heads Ravi and Sharat and Korukonda area committee leaders Naveen and Kiran led groups of at least 30 Maoist cadres each. Praveen added, “The figures are excluding the local militia members and sympathisers.” Further, “The weaponry depends on the rank. It is reported that leaders such as Ravi and Naveen, have at least five to six AK 47 assault rifles in their group and supported by a good number of .303 Lee Enfield rifles. They also carry landmines and claymore mines.” Since concerns persist, Andhra Pradesh is gearing up to tackle the residual Maoist presence. A special company of armed Police is to be set up for the seven mandalsof Khammam which were merged into Andhra Pradesh, and the Centre has cleared this proposal.
The Government is also considering the setting up of a special Police Sub-division for these seven mandals. According to Andhra Pradesh Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister China Rajappa, of the 13 Districts in the State, only eight Districts have armed battalions. West Godavari, Prakasam, Chittoor, Krishna and Srikakulam Districts do not have any armed battalions and proposals have been sent to the Centre seeking approval for five such battalions. The Centre has sanctioned two battalions with one of these to be set up at Vijayawada and another in one of the Rayalaseema Districts. Reports indicate that the State was awaiting sanction of another two battalions. Vishakhapatnam District Police is upgrading its existing Police Stations to make them attack-proof. Superintendent of Police Praveen observed, in this connection, “At Chintapalli and GK Veedhi, about 80 per cent of the work is over. At Hukumpeta, we are midway through.
They should be ready in a couple of months.” Another six Police Stations have been identified for similar upgradation, and work is to commence shortly. According to the latest available data, the Andhra Pradesh Police as on December 31, 2013, before bifurcation of the State, had a Police-population ratio of 123 per 100,000 (actual strength, National Crime Records Bureau data]. This reflected a deficit of 22,950 personnel against sanctioned strength, with 11 vacancies in the ranks of DG/ Addl.DG / IG / DIG, 142 vacancies in SSP/SP/Addl.SP/ ASP/ Dy.SP ranks (though there was a surplus of 13 in the Armed Police in these ranks), 3,172 vacancies in the Inspector, Sub Inspector and Assistant Sub Inspector (ASI) ranks, and 19,625 vacancies in personnel below ASI rank. However, DGP Ramudu, on December 22, 2014, asserted that existing numbers in the residual Andhra Pradesh State were sufficient in the officer cadres. In fact, the Department was forcing Police Stations to accommodate a higher number of Inspector rank officers than required. But the Police was facing a shortage of constables and sub-inspectors, and a proposal to recruit 8,000 constables was pending approval.
Further, the [State] Cabinet Sub-committee on the Naxalite problem, headed by Finance Minister Yanamala Ramakrishnudu, has recommended the raising of a tribal battalion, recruited from the Girijan youth of East Godavari, Visakhapatnam, Vizianagaram and Srikakulam, exclusively to counter the Maoist insurgency along the Andhra-Odisha-Chhattisgarh border. The recommendation is aimed at discouraging discontented tribal youth from joining the Maoists. Significant tribal dislocation is expected as a result of the Polavaram project. The Indira Sagar Project is a multipurpose major terminal reservoir project located on river Godavari near the Ramayyapet village of Polavaram Mandal in West Godavari District.
An estimated 44,574 residential households, involving a total population of 177,275 persons, of which around 50 per cent are tribals, are likely to be displaced by the project. According to Union Environment Minister of State (Independent Charge) Prakash Javadekar, an area of 3427.52 hectares of forest land in Andhra Pradesh alone is projected to be inundated, and 276 villages in Andhra Pradesh, four villages in Chhattisgarh and eight villages in Odisha are likely to be submerged. The Odisha State has opposed the project as it maintains that the project is likely to submerge tribal villages in Malkangiri District. Seven months have passed since the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, with no obvious increase in Maoist activities.
While this is too short a period to assess the impact of the division on the Maoist movement in the State, there is no reason to believe that there would be any radical discontinuity with the recent past. Nevertheless, concerns persist, especially in view of the administrative uncertainty regarding the location of the State’s capital, which is causing some heartburn among sections of the population in the Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions. The sooner administrative issues are settled down, the better it will be for the State, and the closer the focus on the Maoist problem.
50-ft Maoist memorial demolished in Chhattisgarh
A 50-ft tall Maoist memorial constructed in the dense forest of Machanar in Chhattisgarh’s insurgency-affected Kondagaon district has been demolished by security personnel, police said. “The memorial — built by Naxal leader Kamlesh and Mayaram in the honour of two slain Naxal commanders Vikram and Kishore — was spotted and demolished yesterday during the combined search operation undertaken in the area by Bode Dungal, Kondagaon and Danora police,” Kondagaon Superintendent of Police Abhishek Meena said today.
Maoists protest Obama visit
While US President Barack Obama was interacting with the media in Delhi on Sunday, outlawed CPI (Maoists) hijack two passenger buses in strife-torn Kaklur in Dantewada Dantewada, south Chhattisgarh, to protest his visit to India. Ahead of Republic Day, security arrangements were beefed up in Bastar but police remained unaware about the Maoists taking the buses with over 50 passengers on board under their command for three hours till they reached Kate Kalyan police station in Dantewada late evening.
The rebels released the passengers unharmed. “The Maoists wrote slogans on the buses and fixed banners on it against the visit of the US President and the Republic Day celebrations. The buses were later released and all passengers are safe,” additional director general of police (anti-Maoist operation) RK Vij told HT. The Maoists, early Monday morning, also removed a small stretch of a railway track, leading to the derailment of a goods train at Kaklur. The extremists had blown up the tracks in Rayagada district of Odisha on Saturday, disrupting the schedules of various trains.
“The Maoists halted two buses. There were around 30 sangham members (lowest cadre of CPI-Maoist). Some in uniform were giving instructions. They spoke to the passengers regarding their protest against Obama,” Vikas, a conductor in one of the buses, told HT. Some passengers from Jagdalpur, requesting anonymity, shared that the rebels were talking in Gondi and Hindi. “We were terrified. Sangham members were carrying bows and arrows but we didn’t see any other weapons, though there were also Maoists in uniform,” they said. Interior areas of Bastar wore a deserted look on Monday, with buses and other vehicles off roads and local markets closed. The banned outfit blocked roads at various places by felling trees and placing boulders. The bandh call, however, did not have any impact in the urban areas of Bastar.