The airstrikes of Russia on Syrian ground that started on 30 September 2015 will result in two certain things:
● They will cause more bloodshed and catastrophe on the Syrian people, deepening the internal conflicts and increasing the desperate refugee exodus.
● They will multiply the dangers of a broader military conflict in the region behind which lies a fierce antagonism among the imperialist powers. The people of Syria as well as the peoples of the whole region will be again the great losers in this new escalation of imperialist intervention which is led either from Washington or Moscow or Paris or any international alliance under the aegis of the UN. They will become again live targets of the imperialist war machines and at the same time objects of shameless negotiations for the redrawing of borders. The Communist Party of Greece (marxist – leninist) condemns the Russian air strikes on Syrian ground, as well as the air strikes of France or the US-led alliance.
We condemn any intervention by regional reactionary governments like Turkey, Saudi Arabia, or Israel. We call the anti-imperialist peace-loving movement of our country to express in a massive way their opposition to these dangerous developments as well as to continue expressing their solidarity to the refugees of this imperialist war. We call the Greek people to demand from the government to abstain from any military operation against the Syrian people under any pretext and any international aegis. This demand must be more imperative after the “good words” of Obama to Tsipras and the quid pro quo these words entail.
No to the imperialist wars!
Peoples do not need protectors!
Solidarity to the Syrian people and the refugees!
NATO and military bases out of our country!
Naxal involved in Jiram valley attack held in Chhattisgarh
Raipur, Oct 4 (PTI) A 36-year-old Naxalite who was allegedly involved in ghastly Jiram valley attack on Congress leaders, has been arrested in Chhattisgarh’s insurgency-hit Dantewada district, a senior police officer said today. The rebel identified as Joga Madkami was apprehended by a joint team of security forces from Chikanpal Patelpara village under Katekalyan police station limits last evening, Dantewada Superintendent of Police Kamlochan Kashyap told PTI. Acting on a tip-off, a joint squad of Special Task Force (STF) and district force launched an operation in the interiors of Katekalyan, around 450 km from here, and nabbed him, the SP said.
Maoists kill tribal in Odisha
Malkangiri (Odisha), Oct 4 (PTI) Maoists gunned down a tribal man in a forest area suspecting him to be a police informer at Kandhaguda in the district, police officials said today. A group of ultras stormed into the village and took away Arjun Khara (40) from his house last night and his bullet-riddled body was found in a nearby forest road this morning. A hand written message recovered from the site stated that Khara was punished for operating as an informer of the police and assisting them in anti-naxal drive. Steps were being taken to step up combing operation and patrolling by the security forces in the area after the incident, they said.
‘Bastar scribe faced police pressure to act as informer’
Santosh had been living in a climate of fear: PUCL
Santosh Yadav, the Bastar journalist who was booked under “draconian” Chhattisgarh Jan Suraksha Adhiniyam for suspected Maoist links, was allegedly facing police pressure to work as a police informer. According to the People’s Union for Civil Liberties’ (PUCL) bulletin published in August 2015, more than a month before his arrest, Mr. Santosh was one of the first reporters to reach the spot of Darbha valley attack on Congress convoy in May 2013, so the police presumed that he collaborated with the Maoists.
“In mid-2014, the police began threatening him. One night, they [police] arrived at his house and detained him. The police ordered Santosh to take Rs.5 lakh to catch Maoists and bring them to the police but he refused to do so. For last one year, Santosh had been living in a climate of fear with police spreading rumours that they were out to get him,” said the PUCL bulletin. Mr. Santosh’s lawyer Isha Khandelwal confirmed that her client was facing continuous police pressure and “harassment” to act as a police informer.
A father of three young girls, Santosh , however, refused to relent to the police pressure. “In June 2015, the police took him to Darbha police station and stripped him. There had been constant search and cordoning operations in Badarimahu area of Darbha for the past few days and the police picked up some villagers accusing them of being Naxal supporters. Santosh was trying to help them and to publish their version of truth but before he could do so, he was arrested,” PUCL Chhattisgarh unit secretary Sudha Bharadwaj told The Hindu.
“There is not even an iota of truth in the allegations against my husband. The police accuse him of being involved in August 21 Darbha incident when Maoists cut a road and there was an exchange of firing between the police and the Maoists. But he was at home all night when the incident took place. A year ago, they (police) threatened to kill him in a fake encounter for his fearless reporting, but my husband continued to work for common tribal public,” claimed Poonam Yadav, the wife of Santosh Yadav. When tried to reach for his reaction over the allegations against Bastar police, Bastar range Inspector General of Police, Mr.SRP Kalluri did not respond to messages from The Hindu. The Bastar police boss also did not entertain requests for an interview to seek his response.
Dented in South, Maoists Move to Central Odisha
BHUBANESWAR:As the State police makes a dent in the Left Wing Extremists stronghold in the southern districts, the CPI (Maoist) has begun expanding its base in Central Odisha taking the security forces by surprise. This time, it is Satkosia, the second Tiger Reserve of the State. The recent movement of the Maoists in Satkosia Tiger Reserve has indicated that the Deogarh-Sambalpur-Sundargarh division of the outlawed outfit has made inroads into Angul taking advantage of its geographical location. Earlier, Pallahara had witnessed movement of Maoists but the region came under operational jurisdiction of Jajpur-Kalinga Nagar unit which has since weakened and is no more in the reckoning.
Similipal experienced its share of Maoist violence in late 2000s while Nuapada’s Sunabeda Wildlife Sanctuary, which has been accorded in-principle approval for TR status, continues to struggle with Maoist menace. So much so that the Wildlife Wing is unable to submit its plan to National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) in the absence of a ground level survey. The recent movement in Angul, according to intelligence sources, is more through Athmallik-Binkai-Thakurgarh-Handappa-Chhendipara-Rairakhol-Deogarh corridor, which the Maoists want to take control of. The unit is being commanded by Kunu Dehuri and comprises at least six lady cadres and another 20 male members.
In the last three to four days, Maoist movements were reported from Chhutkei, Labangi, Tuluka and Chhuari most of which are prime tourist attractions in Satkosia Wildlife Sanctuary. Given the dense forests and hills abutting Mahanadi, the area provides perfect foil to Maoists and they have taken full advantage of it. But, it is not just forest and topography, Angul is more vulnerable because it is not equipped to take on the Maoists. Apart from Handappa and Kishore Nagar, no other police station in the district is fortified. Angul does not feature in security-related expenditure (SRE) scheme of the State government. Besides, SI-level officers in the police stations of the district have very little training to counter-Maoist operations while in most cases, age is not in their favour. What’s more worrisome, Angul is industry concentrated too. Security experts say it is about time State Police mobilised Central Para Military Forces to Angul before Maoists make a statement.
Maoists trying to strengthen base in State
GUWAHATI, Oct 4 – The Maoist rebels are desperately trying to establish strong roots in Assam, not only to expand its bases, but also to bring in weapons through the porous international border with Myanmar. However, arrest of senior leaders from time to time has proved to be a major setback for the rebels. Highly placed police sources told The Assam Tribune that according to information gathered by the police and security agencies, the Maoist rebels have managed to set up three committees – Upper Assam Leading Committee, Lower Assam Leading Committee and Barak Valley Leading Committee. Of the three committees, the Upper Assam Committee is the most active.
Sources said that the Maoists are trying to infiltrate among the tea tribes in the districts of Sivasagar and Jorhat, and among the flood-affected people in Sadiya, Majuli and Dhemaji. The tea tribes are considered to be most vulnerable as they may be wooed by the Maoists because of the problems faced by the tribes. The slow progress of talks with five militant groups of tea tribes and Adivasi community is also a major cause of concern as the frustrated cadres of the outfits may switch over to the fold of the Maoist rebels. There are at least a thousand cadres of such militant groups sitting idle and the Maoists may try to use them. At least granting of status of Scheduled Tribe to the tea tribes, who are considered tribals in other parts of the country, will deter them from joining the Maoist rebels, sources added. Another major aim of the Maoists to establish base in Assam and other parts of the North East is to get access to the arms smuggling rackets.
So far, the Maoists are depending mostly on weapons snatched from Government agencies. But the inputs suggest that the Maoists are thinking in lines of bring in weapons from abroad and the porous international border with Myanmar is now the easiest way for doing so. Almost all the rebel groups of the North East are now bringing in weapons through the porous international border with Myanmar and the Maoists are eyeing the same arms smuggling route.
On the recent arrest of hardcore Maoist rebel Aditya Bora in Golaghat district, police sources said that Bora was earlier arrested in Jharkhand in February 2011. But after he was brought to Assam, he managed to jump bail and rejoined the rebel group. Since them he managed to evade arrest and tried to strengthen the organization in lower Assam. The Lower Assam Leading Committee is dormant after the arrest of key member Aklanta Rabha, while, the recent arrest of three rebels including a woman from West Bengal posed major setback to the rebels in the Barak Valley.
2 IEDs unearthed in Chhattisgarh
Raipur, Oct 4 (PTI) Security forces have recovered two improvised explosive devices (IEDs), allegedly planted by Maoists, from separate places in Chhattisgarh’s insurgency-hit Kanker district, police said. While an explosive weighing 10 kg was unearthed from Bande police station area, another of 5 kg was recovered from Siksod police station limits, Kanker Superintendent of Police Jitendra Singh Meena told PTI. Acting on a tip-off, a joint squad of Border Security Force (BSF) and district police launched a de-mining operation on Rengawahi road, a Maoist hotbed, located around 250 kms away from here, he said.
On reaching at a bridge between Marweda and Rengawahi villages, they spotted an electric wire connection following which an IED kept in a steel container was found placed under the bridge, Meena added. Similarly, another joint team of security personnel recovered an IED placed beneath a tree near a temple between Sanatarai and Manhakal villages of Siksod area, the officer said. The explosives were planted by the rebels to target the security personnel or their vehicles during their operation in the area, the SP said, adding both explosives were defused by the bomb disposal squad.
Oct 2: Hyderabad: Report of protest against torture and fake encounter killings in Warangal
A report by Bittu
Massive repression marked the march, organized by 372 organizations together towards Assembly from Sunderaiyyah Vignana Kendram at 10 am against the torture and fake encounter killing of two Maoist cadre in Warangal. One of them, a woman comrade, also showed signs of having been subjected to sexual violence. Varalakshmi, Secretary of Revolutionary Writers Association was placed under house arrest the afternoon before the march. Students of Telangana Vidyarthi Sangathan and Democratic Students Union who were campaigning for the Chalo Assembly March in Osmania University the night before the March were arrested at night. Several people were placed under house arrest on the morning of the march.
Thousands of people were picked up at train and bus stations on the way to Hyderabad, mostly even before they made it to the district train/bus station. The site of the dharna was cordoned off with barricades and all groups of people approaching it were arrested; there was also a brutal lathi charge and protesters were also thrashed in police vans. Only 4 people were exempt from detention: Prof. Haragopal, who was told by police that they had strict instructions not to detain him – even though he courted arrest; Kodand Ram and two other prominent Telangana statehood figures were informally policed but not formally arrested. This was a clever attempt by the KCR government to salvage its image given that everyone involved with the Telangana statehood movement had denounced the fake encounter and torture. In total, Civil Liberties Committee estimated 15,000 people were arrested across the state.
We were detained all day and released late in the evening. One person Com. Mahesh was picked up again after being released, and taken for a 3 hour ride around the city in the way people are often driven elsewhere before being killed in a fake encounter, while being intimidated all the way. Several individuals were targetted and incarcerated separately. While CPI, CPM and several other organizations’ members were all arrested in this massive dharna, there was a clear difference between how their cadre were treated and those from the radical left. There was a lot of media coverage and along with the farmer suicide issue burning up Telangana, the KCR government’s credibility in bringing ‘Bangara Telangana’ – Golden Telangana – was severely damaged.
CRPF targets ‘informer’ network to fight Naxals
NEW DELHI: The Central Reserve Police Force is targeting the ‘informer’ network of Maoists in villages instead of conducting major combing operations and sending troops in large numbers inside the jungle, an exercise which is bearing fruits for the force. The paramilitary force is engaged largely in Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha and other states for anti-naxal operations. The strategy, ‘intelligence based tactical operations’ deployed against the informers, has resulted in a decline in violence and casualties on the CRPF’s side and looting of their arms/ammunitions coming down drastically this year.
“We go inside the naxal den with a purpose now after having specific inputs about the presence of a particular group or leader. The basic advantage is that we keep engaging and surprising naxals regularly so they don’t get time to react,” said a senior CRPF official. The officer added that CRPF’s own intelligence has picked up substantially and it has better coordination with other intelligence agencies now. The CRPF has also noticed a new trend where naxals from areas like Odisha are coming forward to surrender—something which did not happen previously. The figures suggest that 377 naxals have surrendered this year till now in all the naxal-affected states. 283 Maoists had laid down arms during 2014 till December.
Police on High Alert in Satkosia Sanctuary
ANGUL:In the wake of armed Maoists’ movement in Satkosia wildlife sanctuary, police have remained on high alert to prevent any violent incident and flush them out of the area. “We have registered two cases – one relating to assault on a sanctuary official and the other regarding snatching of Rs 50,000 from another staff – at Purunakote police station. Angul Sub-Divisional Police Officer RN Deo has been asked to inquire into two cases,” said Angul SP Rajesh Pandit Uttam Rao.
Talking to this paper, Rao said police have kept a close watch on the situation and taken all possible measures to contain the menace. Meanwhile, panic has gripped the population of entire Satkosia sanctuary following intrusion of armed Maoist cadres into their areas. Even police personnel do not remain present at Purunakote police station at night. The forest staff also prefer to guard the sanctuary in civil dress instead of uniform. According to sources, Maoists’ presence in Satkosia is nothing new and police are well aware of it.
But what worries the police authorities now is the growing alienation of the local population because of the imposition of stringent laws in restricted area like ban on fishing in Mahanadi and others. It is very difficult for the inhabitants to lead a normal life in the sanctuary area for the restrictions. Police also fear that the deprivation of the people may be exploited by Left ultras if remedial measures are not taken urgently.
10 days police custody for Aditya
The Golaghat police got remand of Aditya Bora for ten days after the Maoist leaders produced before a local court on Saturday. The court further remanded his two associates from Dergaon to the police custody. Meanwhile a team of police officers has started interrogating Aditya and his two associates from Saturday. The interrogating officials claimed to have extracted a great deal of sensational revelation from the trio on the growing Maoist activities in the state.
Forces ready to tackle Red threat, says CRPF DG
Patna: CRPF director general (DG) Prakash Mishra on Saturday visited Maoist-hit Jamui to review preparations for force deployment as per the parameters of the Election Commission of India (ECI) and to instill confidence among the locals in the backdrop of poll boycott call given by the members of the ultra-left organisation. CRPF, Bihar sector, has been made nodal force to mobilise and deploy central armed police forces (CAPFs) in different places across the state.
As many as 725 companies of CAPFs, including 190 companies of CRPF, 10 companies of Rapid Action force, 121 companies of BSF, 115 companies of CISF, 55 companies of Indo-Tibetan Border Police, 103 companies of SSB and 60 companies of RPF have already arrived. Besides, state forces from Telangana, Sikkim, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, Punjab and Karnataka have also reached the state for poll duty. Mishra said the state government has requisitioned one helicopter from Indian Air Force while two helicopters of CRPF would be doing sky-patrolling, besides rushing forces from one place to other. If required, the CRPF would press more helicopters into action. The state government has also hired one air ambulance to immediately rush injured police forces in case there is face off between Maoists and police forces on election day. Mishra, who was accompanied by CRPF IG, Bihar sector, Arun Kumar and CRPF operational head IG Zulfiquar Hasan, held a meeting with district administration officials.
Later, he said in the state capital that the central forces were ready to face any challenge from the Maoists. “Election process would not be disrupted at any cost,” he added. As per the guidelines of the ECI, constables from Bihar police would not be deployed at polling booths. They would rather be on road to man drop gates and maintain law and order. IG, Bihar Sector, Arun Kumar said apart from surgical operations against Maoists, central forces are also engaged in demining of Maoist-infested areas to ensure there is no hurdle in movement of the forces.
Such areas are being sanitised and flag marches are being conducted to generate fear psychosis among hardcore criminals and Maoists. Some of the forces who have come from states where there is no Maoist influence were imparted training on modus operandi adopted by the rebel outfit and how IEDs are diffused. Kumar said apart from dealing with Maoists, CAPFs are also busy in providing security to functionaries of various parties who are entitled to Z or Z + security.
Mass Repression in Telangana
On september 30 any forum sympathetic to the C.P.I.(Maoist) is supressed brutally .This is unconstitutional and undemocratic as any person in ademocarcy has a right to express his ideological belief.We need to form organizations of forums defending the people’s right to struggle not affiliated to any political group.Dark days of emergency are appearing in another form as well as ears of encounters like in the previous decades.Inspite of facing such severe repression the C.P.I.(Maoist) is fighting back heroically through forums like Virasam.
The response to the rally from Telengana resembled a bonfire lit all or a tornado appearing.over.Today revolutionary democratic organizations are forced to work from underground like the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union in the time of emergency or also in the late 1990’s,The tentacles of the state will not defeat the of the broad masses whose revolutionary spirit will will be resurected even futher after this massive supression. A march by Telangana Democratic Front (TDF) members to the assembly here to protest killing of two Maoists by the police was foiled on Wednesday as many leaders in Hyderabad and other districts were arrested. Leaders and workers of various organisations were detained in different districts to prevent them from heading for Hyderabad to participate in the march. Eminent academician Chuka Ramaiah was kept under house arrest in Hyderabad. He said arrests will not stop the movement.
Well-known revolutionary writer Varavara Rao was taken into custody at RTC Cross Roads when he along with his supporters were proceeding towards the assembly building. Leaders of CPI, CPI-M and other Left parties and people’s organisations were arrested at Bagh Lingampally, from where the TDF planned to march to the assembly. Those arrested include TDF president Chada Venkat Reddy, professor P.L. Visweswara, professor Vinod Kumar and CPI-M state secretary T. Veerabhadram.
The assembly building in the heart of the city virtually turned into a fortress as police imposed restrictions on all roads leading towards the assembly. A large number of policemen were deployed in the area to prevent protesters. Tension prevailed at Telangana martyrs’ memorial at Gun Park in front of the assembly building when a youth tried to immolate self. Alert policemen prevented him from doing so and arrested him. Tension prevailed at Osmania University as students gathered on the campus to march in violation of the prohibitory orders imposed by police. Policemen in riot gear were deployed at the gates to prevent students from coming out. PDSU activists took out a rally from girls’ hostel but were stopped at NCC Gate by the police. A heated argument ensued between student leaders and the police officers. The protesters were arrested. Police also arrested two more groups of students including one at the library.
Student leaders took strong exception to police entering the hostels and library. Scores of students and their leaders were arrested at Osmania University and Nizam College hostels since Tuesday night. Police denied permission to the march on the ground that Maoists may participate in it and indulge in violence. Those arrested in districts like Warangal, Khammam, Mahabubnagar, Karimnagar, Medak and Nalgonda include women and students. Raising slogan against the government and calling for an end to “fake encounters”, the protesters took out rallies in different parts of the state. Veerabhadram said 3,000 to 4,000 activists were arrested across the state.
He termed the arrests as undemocratic. Maoists Shruthi and Vidyasagar were killed near Medaram of Warangal district on September 16. It was the first such killing after the formation of separate Telangana state last year. Terming it as a “fake encounter”, 370 organisations, including 10 left parties and the groups which fought for separate Telangana state, have come together under the banner of TDF to condemn the killings. It is demanding probe by a sitting judge. While denying permission for ‘chalo assembly’, police said it was reliably learnt that TDF was formed at the instance of CPI-Maoist and the programme was being organised in support of its cause and the ideology.
All quiet in naxal belt: Government may have finally reined in Maoists
NEW DELHI: The number of people killed by Maoist violence has come down from 1005 in 2010 to 167 this year. The drop has prompted the government to claim that it may have finally managed to control Left-wing extremism. Figures up to September 15, 2015, ET has accessed shows attacks on security forces are down by almost 25% this year. Maoists have held only 28 ‘people’s court’ this year, compared to 58 in 2014. Arms training camps are down to 11 from 34. So, has Rajnath Singh achieved what even P Chidambaram could not?….
However, there is not much decline in total incidents — down to 784, till September 15, from 804 in 2014. It has gone up in Chhattisgarh to 334 from 236 in 2014. There are constant inputs too of Maoists planning a ‘dramatic and huge’ strike soon. Strikes on ‘economic targets’ this year, mostly roads, rose to 90 from 69. Former home secretary GK Pillai, who worked with Chidambaram from 2009-2011 warned that the present quiet may be misleading. “Lot is said about the record 2010 high figure. To put it in perspective, 2010 was when the government went after Maoists and engaged them in operations. Central forces was pumped up from 30 to 70 battalions and forces stayed in areas and consolidated than returning after a strike,” Pillai said. But he added that the ebb gave a golden chance for development so that locals get a chance to see the ‘other side’ and government can consolidate in still out-of-reach areas to have a “permanent impact.”….
Security forces on anti-Naxal operations face 40% increase in IED attacks
…”While there were 904 IED attacks in LWE theatre against us last year, this year till September, 1,303 attacks have already taken place. A number of troops have been injured in these blasts,” the official added…
Letter reveals missing schoolgirls from Lahiri turned Naxals
Nagpur: The three girls who went missing from Lahiri in Bhamragarh months ago have apparently joined the Naxal movement. This was confirmed after Gadchiroli police received a letter during an encounter on September 2. A copy of the letter with TOI with names of three girls clearly revealed that they had joined the “revolutionary movement” after allegedly facing harassment from the teachers at Lahiri Ashram School from where they went missing on January 3. Roshni Bija Vachami (16), Vaishali Bapurao Veladi (14), and Sarita Kota Vadde (15), all eighth standard students, who were untraceable since they fled the school have called on all young boys and girls to join the “red movement” to fight against alleged injustice meted out to tribal community by the government.
Bearing title “We have joined path of (Naxal) revolution after being fed up with the miserable life”, the letter stated that they were forced to take the step due to alleged atrocities in the society. Earlier, there were speculations about these girls joining Maoists after they remained untraceable for a couple of months but the police scoffed at the idea. “We are still unable to contact those girls but after receiving this letter we can’t deny that they have joined the rebels. We found this letter after an encounter in Chichoda where two Naxals were gunned down and a lot of literature was recovered from the spot. However, the letter could even be part of their propaganda to attract young boys and girls, as their base is fast depleting,” Gadchiroli superintendent Sandip Patil told TOI.
He claimed the contents of letter may have been drafted by Naxals’ front organizations who highlight loopholes in democratic system to brainwash young tribals. “The contents are entirely exaggerated while twisting facts. Such literature is distributed by them to create disaffection among youths towards the government.” Arvind Sovani of Bhumkal movement who had first raised the issue of missing girls had claimed they had joined the red movement. “The cops always denied it but the letter now substantiate our claims. In fact, the letter is part of their bigger conspiracy to attract youngsters. These girls have travelled all the way to Abujhmadh from Lahiri via Binagunda on foot to join them,” Sovani said. His claims though differed from SP where the letter was recovered. Sovani stated that it was received during an encounter in Mendhgiri where six women cadres in the 18-20 years age group were allegedly neutralized by the cops.
He added that Naxal leader Tarakka had already written to the parents not to worry, as they would take care of the girls. “Parents were warned not to disclose anything to the media. When we interacted with them, they confirmed it but were reluctant to show us the letter,” he said. The girls have levelled startling allegations that raise serious doubts about district administration claims on providing all educational facilities to the tribals. They claimed they were forced to joi Naxals as they were caught between devil and deep sea. Their teachers allegedly used to come in the classrooms in inebriated condition and harassed and abused them. When they protested, the teachers threatened them that they will complain to parents that they were having illicit affairs with boys.
* Ashram schoolteachers used to come drunk to classroom
* They used to abuse and harass students and bunk classes
* Many students fled school in the past to join Naxal movement
* No scope for jobs for students from Gadchiroli after education
* Joined Naxal movement after being fed up of govt atrocities
Naxal attack on NMDC mines foiled by CISF in Chhattisgarh
Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) personnel foiled a Naxal attack on the state-owned National Mineral Development Corporation Limited’s (NMDC) Kirandul iron ore mines in Chhattisgarh’s Maoist-infested Dantewada district, police said. About half-a-dozen armed Naxals launched an attack on NMDC’s 11B iron ore mines at around 2100 hrs by opening indiscriminate fire last night. However, CISF personnel immediately retaliated forcing the ultras to flee from the scene. No security personnel was hurt in the exchange of fire. No damage was done to the NMDC property.
National Security Adviser Doval visits Naxal-hit Bastar
It is a visit about which very few knew, and which was to be kept under wraps. National Security Adviser Ajit Doval spent the whole of Thursday in the region worst-affected by the Maoist insurgents, Chhattisgarh’s Bastar. This was his first visit to this region since the time he took charge of the country’s national security last year. Doval’s visit comes at a time when the divergence between the state and the Centre has widened over the question of how to take the anti-Maoist fight forward. It also comes as the monsoon has nearly retreated and anti-Maoist operations are set to commence in full flow.
Sources informed this correspondent that Doval flew in from New Delhi to Chhattisgarh. Subsequently, he boarded a helicopter and undertook an aerial tour of Sukma district in Chhattisgarh. The southern part of Sukma is a region the Maoists label as a ‘liberated zone’, or a region where they, not the government machinery, run the show. After he concluded his aerial sortie, he held a review meeting with authorities on the ground which included the top brass of the state police, state government, and the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). He returned to New Delhi before the end of the day. “This was a visit where the NSA was keen to absorb and understand all the stake holders. He gave us all a patient hearing,” said a source.
Chhattisgarh Police Worried Over Abduction, Murder of Constables
RAIPUR: The recent abduction and killing of nearly half a dozen assistant constables, recruited as auxiliary personnel from among local tribal youth, by Maoists in naxal-infested Bastar region, has worried Chhattisgarh Police no end. “It is a great cause of concern (that assistant constables are being targeted) for us. Assistant constables are basically son of soil, they belong to this area so its natural that they will attend marriage function(s) or other family functions under family pressure.
“So whenever they go and attend such things in civil dress and without weapons, they are being targeted,” Inspector General of Police, Bastar Range, S R P Kalluri told PTI. In the past two-and-half months, six assistant constables have been abducted from separate places of Bastar, out of which five were killed while one of them was released after being threatened with dire consequences if he continued to serve in police. On July 14, four assistant constables were kidnapped by naxals and killed next day in Kutru area of Bijapur district.
Similarly, another assistant constable who was abducted by naxals on September 28, was found dead in Frasegarh area of Bijapur. However, an assistant constable who was abducted in Sukma district in August was released later. Besides, naxals have been issuing warnings to assistant constables at several places of Bastar for helping police.
Five naxals held in Dantewada
Five naxals wanted in several incidents of crime have been arrested from Kuwakonda area of Chhattisgarh’s insurgency-hit Dantewada district, police said today. While four cadres were apprehended from Mokhpal weekly market, another was nabbed from Palnar village area under Kuwakonda police station limits last evening, Dantewada Superintendent of Police Kamlochan Kashyap told PTI.
Acting on a tip-off about the arrival of rebels at Mokhpal weekly market for procuring commodities of daily use, a joint team of Central Reserve Paramilitary Force (CRPF) and local police were mobilised at the spot along with some police informers to identify the rebels disguised as villagers, the SP said. During inspection at the market, the ultras identified as Hidma Podiyami, Pandu Sodhi, Gali Muchaki and Joga Madkami were caught, he added. Similarly, another team of security forces arrested naxal-Kosa Kodopi from Palnar area, he said.
Three Can Bombs Seized From Maoists’ Hideout
DEHRI-ON-SONE: Security forces today recovered three can bombs, wire and naxal literature from a Maoists’ hideout in a forest area in Rohtas district, a police officer said. The security forces comprising CRPF and Rohtas police launched a search operation in the Dumarkhoha forests from where they seized three can bombs, one of which weighing five kg and two others at two kg each, besides wire and naxal literature, Superintendent of police Manavjeet Singh Dhillon said. The three bombs were subsequently defused, he said. The search operation against the Maoists will continue in days to come, Dhillon said.
BSF Seizes 1 Quintal of IED Materials from Maoist Hotbed in Malkangiri
BHUBANESWAR: Dealing a serious blow to the Left Wing Extremists’ firepower, the Border Security Force (BSF) on Thursday seized a huge cache of gelatin sticks as well as explosive materials from a forest under Kalimela police limits of Malkangiri district.
Bail plea of Maoist dismissed
Principal District and Sessions Court Judge R. Poornima dismissed the bail plea of Maoist Neelamegham alias Kadhir alias Vinayakam (29) here on Thursday. Opposing the bail petition, police claimed that granting of bail to Neelamegham would hamper their investigation. However, defence counsel M. Kannappan argued that the police did not have any proof to brand him as a Maoist. A native of Pasumalai in Madurai, Neelamegham had been in judicial custody for the past 55 days.
Moreover, the police had already completed their investigation and the claim that granting bail to the accused would hamper the investigation was not substantiated, he said. The defence counsel moved the bail petition on September 9. Neelamegham was arrested at Vadamadurai and lodged in Tiruchi prison. Cases were filed against him under the Arms and Explosives Act. Judicial Magistrate Court II Judge C.B. Vedagiri had granted bail to another ‘Maoist’, Kannan alias Senthil, who was arrested in Coimbatore, on September 28 as the police had failed to file a charge sheet against him within 60 days from the date of arrest.
Maoist Naveen Prasad was gunned down on upper Kodaikanal hill in a police encounter in 2004, and later, the police arrested Kannan and Neelamegham. The police said that Neelamegham and Kannan were some of the accused who escaped during the encounter with the Maoists.
Top Maoist Leader, Two Associates Held in Assam
Aditya Bora, a top Maoist leader, who disappeared after securing bail in 2011, has been arrested by Assam police along with two other associates. Aditya (41) was arrested from Khakandaguri area under Dergaon police station in Golaghat district of Assam on Wednesday night. The other two accused are Uttam Hazarika and Binando Bora. The police recovered a 9 mm pistol with 12 rounds active ammunition and some objectionable materials from their possession.
Hailing from Betoni Gaon under Borbam police station of Dibrugarh, Aditya told police that he was in touch with various nationalist organizations and politicians of Assam. Police say Aditya alias Baba had been involved in furthering the Maoist network in eight districts – Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Sivasagar, Golaghat, Lakhimpur, Dhemaji and Barak valley. He was earlier a member of the Assam Students’ Youth Organization (ASYO) before joining the Maoist movement in 2009.
He went to Orissa thereafter, but was arrested in Jharkhand in 2011. He was lodged in Dibrugarh jail but he secured bail after seven months. Aditya Bora was the brain behind the formation of the Upper Assam Leading Committee (Maoist) where he was designated as the chief organizer. A number of arrested Maoists in the State have been doing the vanishing act.
Over two dozen red rebels arrested and later released on bail, remain untraced. Aditya Bora has several cases registered against him in Tingkhong police station of Dibrugarh and Borpathar police station of Golaghat. One case against him is that of arms snatching from security men at Dibrugarh in November, 2011. Intelligence agencies have compiled a list of over 150 names who could be working for Maoists in Assam. Suspected Maoists shot dead an AGP leader – Bhupen Tamuli – at Golaghat in February this year.
Security forces on Red alert before Bihar polls
Ranchi: The SPs and commandants of three CRPF battalions were invited in a meeting of top police officials held on Thursday in Aurangabad in Bihar to plan security exercises to check the movement of Maoists and criminals ahead of the Bihar polls. They were also asked to start anti-Maoist operations along the identified Maoist pockets on border. The SPs of Palamu, Garhwa and Chatra districts were asked to look out for wanted criminals and Left-wing extremists along the Jharkhand-Bihar border ahead of the second phase of elections in Bihar. The three districts share a long border with south-west Bihar which goes to polls on October 16 in the second phase.
Garhwa SP Priyadarshi Alok Kumar said that he was asked to beef up security along the border in the meeting. The Sone River divides Rohtas and Kaimur districts from Garhwa. “The river is the only connection between Bihar and Jharkhand in Garhwa. Several boats ply across the river bringing people across the two states,” he said. The boats will be under watch now, Kumar added. In the meeting, the SPs exchanged lists of notorious criminals in their areas who could pose a threat to the polls. It is usual for the criminals from Bihar to take shelter in Jharkhand and vice-versa.
“We provided the list of wanted criminals and Maoists in our areas to the Bihar police so that they can search and arrest them. Similarly, the Bihar police provided the list and details of the criminals and Maoists to us so that we can nab them. Arresting the criminals and Maoists will be important for peaceful and fearless elections,” Palamu SP Mayur Patel Kanhaiyalal, who also participated in the meeting, said. “The anti-Maoist operations will begin soon on both sides of the border.
It is part of the area domination measures to prevent the Maoists from moving towards the state seeking shelter,” an official said. Apart from SP to SP contact and commandant to commandant contacts, police officials were asked to establish a smooth communication between police stations so that they can share intelligence inputs and act upon them for best results. Meanwhile, Jharkhand has provided 10 companies of additional forces to Bihar for the elections. The 10 companies are made of Jharkhand Armed Police and India Reserve Battalion forces. The 10 companies left for Bihar by a special train on September 29.
Maoists in Satkosia, A Strategy Failure?
100 armed Maoists have sneaked into Satkosia wildlife sanctuary, about 60 kms from here, apparently to set up their base. The intrusion of such huge number of Maoists has triggered panic not only among the people of 75 villages in Satkosia but also among the forest officials. Reports from Satkosia villages stated that in the last two days, three to four groups of heavily armed Red rebels held meetings with people of Chutkei, Majhipara, Goindi, Tuluka villages and other areas. During their interaction, the Maoists tried to stoke the dissatisfaction among the people for backwardness and Government apathy to their woes. The presence of the armed Maoists was also confirmed by Forest department officials who said five of their personnel were severely beaten up at Chuari camp by the ultras.
When the forest staff challenged them on Wednesday night suspecting them to be poachers, they were attacked by the ultras inflicting injuries. According to Chutkei villagers, around 10 heavily armed Maoists visited their village on Tuesday evening. They asked for food and enquired about the villagers’ condition before vanishing in forest next morning with stern warning not to speak to police. The ultras also held similar meetings in others areas. Sanctuary officials are now a worried lot.
It is well known that the Maoists used to have a safe corridor along the border areas of the sanctuary earlier. However, the motives of the ultras are yet to be ascertained. It is suspected that either they have entered the restricted sanctuary area under police pressure elsewhere or they want to hide here taking advantage of dense forest and people’s large scale discontentment with the State Government. Angul Superintendent of Police Rajesh Pandit Uttam Rao, who is closely monitoring the situation, said, “We are verifying the reports received from Satkosia villagers.” The entry into Satkosia by armed cadres poses a major challenge to police since their advance into a few kilometres from Angul town can prove to be a strategic gain if they are not flushed out soon.
Beijing, 21 June 1975
[Mao Zedong:] During the transition from the democratic revolution to adopting a socialist path, there exist two possibilities: one is socialism, the other is capitalism. Our situation now is like this. Fifty years from now, or one hundred years from now, the struggle between two lines will exist. Even ten thousand years from now, the struggle between two lines will still exist. When Communism is realized, the struggle between two lines will still be there. Otherwise, you are not a Marxist. This is unity existing among opposites. If one only mentions one side of the two, that is metaphysics. I believe in what Marx and Lenin have said, that the path [of advance] would be tortuous.
From the era of Lenin to the era of Khrushchev and Brezhnev, the Soviet Union has changed. But in the future it is certain that it will return to Lenin’s path. China is also like this. It may turn to revisionism in the future, but it will eventually return to the path of Marx and Lenin. Our state now is, as Lenin said, a capitalist state without capitalists. This states protects capitalist rights, and the wages are not equal. Under the slogan of equality, a system of inequality has been introduced. There will exist a struggle between two lines, the struggle between the advanced and the backward, even when Communism is realized. Today we cannot explain it completely.
You should not completely copy China’s experience, and should think for yourself. According to Marx, his theory is a guideline for action, but not a doctrine.
Watch Court, HC tells cops after releasing ‘Naxal’
Nagpur: In a big respite for alleged Naxal leader Maruti Kurwatkar, the Nagpur bench of Bombay High Court on Wednesday ordered his release, while censuring Gadchiroli police for not following procedures while rearresting him. A division bench comprising Justice Bhushan Gavai and Justice Prasanna Varale also directed court registry to add Gadchiroli superintendent of police Sandip Patil as respondent and issued notice to him, returnable by October 7.
While being released, Kurwatkar was asked to provide two sureties of Rs15,000 each from Nagpur and Chandrapur. The judges, in terse words, asked the government to stage the screening of critically acclaimed Marathi movie ‘Court’ for all police personnel with a view to sensitize them in dealing with issues like human rights. The movie, directed by Chaitanya Tamhane, was recently selected as India’s official entry for the ‘Best Foreign Language Film’ category for next year’s Oscar awards.
The judges flayed police for putting Kurwatkar behind bars without producing an arrest warrant and not following other procedures, thus bringing a bad name to their profession. The petitioner’s counsels — Nihalsingh Rathod and Surendra Gadling — contended that an investigating officer was not assigned to Kurtwatkar after his rearrest. Instead, it was a local crime branch officer who handled the case. They pointed out that their client was kept behind bars for three days without production warrant, which is clear violation of Supreme Court guidelines and Prison Manual. Earlier, DIG Ravindra Kadam filed an affidavit stating that three cases were pending against Kurwatkar.
The 35-year-old was picked up by police on September 12, immediately after he was released from Nagpur Central Jail on bail, following his acquittal in some cases. He was behind bars from January 2012 for about three years and eight months after Chandrapur police first arrested him at Talodhi. His lawyers added that about 50-60 police were waiting in plainclothes outside jail premises, who whisked him away as soon as he was released. He was not even allowed to meet his lawyers and family members before he was rearrested.
During the last hearing, the court orally passed strictures on respondents without following due procedure of law. The judges observed that police need to be taught importance of citizens’ liberty as mentioned in the Constitution of India. The police were warned that they should be ready for punishment in case of failure to come up with valid reasons for Kurwatkar’s rearrest.
Police in Chhattisgarh’s Korea district combing forests of five PS areas after inputs about suspected Naxalite movement
BILASPUR: Police is combing forests of five police station areas of Korea district of north Chhattisgarh, about 250 km from here. The operatioon was launched following input with regard to suspected Naxalite movement in the area. When contacted, Korea ASP Kirtan Rathore, who along with CSP RN Yadav is leading the search operation, confirmed the news. Speaking to TOI soon after a patrolling of the forests on Wednesday evening, Rathore informed that there have been reports from villagers about movement of people, who appeared to be Naxalites through forests of Ramgarh, Sonhat and Kotadol areas. Then there were similar reports from Kelhari and Janakpur areas.
Following the reports about a 100-strong police team, including 25 officers, began a search operation in forests of Ramgarh, Sonhat, Kotadol, Kelhari and Janakpur police station areas bordering Madhya Pradesh and Surajpur district of the state, said Rathore. The ASP added that during the last four days of search although police did not encounter any Naxalite group in the region, search operation will continue as it has made people, especially in remote forest areas feel more secure.
Former rebel shot, cops suspect Maoist involvement
DHANBAD: A former rebel was allegedly killed by Maoists at Pandri village under Taratand police station area of Giridih district on Tuesday night. Police said the perpetrators had mutilated the face of Nimai Goswami (45) and slit his throat, before pumping two bullets into him to ensure that he was dead. The incident took place along the Dhanbad-Giridih main road, which is barely five km from Taratand Police Station (PS) in Giridih and 45km from Dhanbad district.
“Posters and pamphlets found at the site of occurrence point towards the possibility of Maoist involvement in the crime. Apart from slapping other allegations against the deceased, they had branded him as a police informer”, Giridih SP Kuldeep Dwivedi said. Goswami, a resident of Koyri-Jamuar under Palajori Police Station of Deoghar district, used to put up with his in-laws at Sarwan village under Ahilyapur PS of Giridih for the past many years. He used to supply locally prepared food items to shops in neighbouring villages. “A dozen armed assailants had picked him up from somewhere and killed him on the main road some time between 9-10 pm on Tuesday.
Soon after receiving information, we visited the site of occurrence and started a probe into the matter. As per the statement of the deceased’s wife, Goswami was out of touch for the past three days”, said deputy superintendent of police (DSP) Sambhu Kumar Singh. The body was brought to the Giridih Sadar hospital for autopsy and an FIR was lodged with Taratand PS in this connection, he said. The Maoists, the posters strewn on the site of shooting read, hold Goswami responsible for the arrest of their commander – Pravir Da – who was trapped into police net about a year ago.
Professor Naorem Sanajaoba
In the significant revisit, the author holistically examines the local application in Manipur ,of the Asian communist revolutionary movement in 1950-1951, the inauguration of post-independence Manipuri armed struggle of the Manipur Communist Party, that transformed qualitatively, along with the Manipur- specific national question which had been subverted by the communist party of the annexing power and, that had been taken all the more seriously by the post- MCP Manipur national liberation movements.
In the conventional Manipuri revolutionary historiography, some of the historians are used to marginalise the role of the revolutionary party like the Manipur Communist Party (MCP hereafter) of which Mr. Hari or Jogeshwar i.e. Mr Hijam Irabot had been the uncontested supremo on the one hand, and the Red Guard Council (RGC hereafter) that had been the military apparatus with five red guard commanders that struck militarily at the post- annexation Manipur state and the Indian administrative apparatus from 1950 to 1951.
The 1950 MCP revolution was undoubtedly aborted for many a reason- the inevitable and the erroneous. Communist parties of administering Indian state (which some authors endorse as colonial power) make festive celebration in the state by projecting the revolutionary party supremo Irabot alias Hari (his clandestine code name) as the electoral mascot by totally and systematically blacking out his revolutionary militancy and his revolutionary path, with a view to once again aborting the ongoing, deep- rooted political militancy in Manipur and misleading the people by way of the subverting the political objective of the RGC.MCP profiling has been defiled and distorted by the political opportunists.
Once, ex MP of Congress- Laishram Jogeshwar wrote that Irabot remaining the party supremo, N.Binoy, Ng.Mohendra, Th.Boro and M.Ibohal were ‘riding on the crest of the revolution.’ In Manipur, honesty and truth had been the first casualty at the hands of the incorrigibly crooked politicians. One can fool the people for some time, not for all time. Many a scholar has disingeniously projected the MCP supremo as a multitudinous or a mulitfaceted person lacking a defined and single- minded direction of a committed political philosophy. It could have been possible that despite their studying two three books of Mao Tse Tung purchased from Silchar, the RGC leadership was not ideologically mature barring the supremo’s personal interface with Bengali speaking Marxians in Sylhet jail .
The author would not revisit the hackneyed domain, and would love to address to two core issues- firstly, the centrality of the MCP armed struggle and secondly, the national question that the MCP had not literally addressed to. Naturally, the MCP with its party supremo and the striking force- the RGC deserve the full credit for launching the post- independence armed struggle- the first ever in post-1947 Manipur in 1950.The front organizations had been outlawed before the revolution had been launched in no time. The Manipur State Council of sovereign Manipur by its resolution no.3 dated 21.9.1948 made the order: “ _, the Manipur State Council declared the above associations( read Krishak Sabha and Praja Sangha) to be unlawful under Section16 of the Manipur State Criminal Law Amendment Act,1948.” In order to remove any confusion about the post-accession Manipur in 1947, the official letter of the dominion agent is cited.
Dominion agent Debeswar Sarma replied to dictator E.Tompok Singh on 25 November, 1947 after three months of Manipur’s accession to foreign state- India in August,1947, “Admittedly, Manipur is a Sovereign State.” Notwithstanding baseless and utterly whimsical opinions of diehard, biased individuals about the status of Manipur in 1947, the official position of the dominion agent as cited above is categorical, and the author had been following the official position of the dominion agent, in total disregard of the private exclamations of untrustworthy, and, half-baked scholars. Pro-revolutionaries and radicals show admiration for the methodology, revolutionary tactics he had taken care of, whereas revisionists and bankrupt opportunists capitalize on his name by undermining, ridiculing and omitting his revolutionism. Worshipping a wrong god or, barking at the wrong tree? A leader or a revolutionary could be fully assessed, not in parts or piecemeal in order to suit the electoral market.
At the same time, autobiography writers could do complete justice by covering the entire life span, not a chosen piece. The author would be doing complete injustice to Manipuri revolutionary historiography, if he does not acknowledge the commitment of Manipur people in 1953 towards undoing the disputed Manipur annexation and the subsequent post- MCP national liberation struggles that address fully to Manipur national question, which did not happen to be the cup of tea for the MCP in any sense of the term. The two major events are not inextricable, as we perceive of after considering the shifting political equations and agenda. Definitely, certain confusions arose among the scholars due possibly to sentimental obsessions and lack of objectivity.
The MCP had no business at all with the post- MCP armed national struggles in Manipur except that it has inaugurated the first primer of armed struggle for the liberation of the peasants and exploited Manipur people in 1950-1951, in conformity with the international communist movement led by the CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) in a half –hearted way in Asia, while it had complete concern for Europe.
The author in his own humble way studied exhaustively strategic materials on CPSU, CPI of that era, published materials nearly all of them from Manipur, talked in 1992 to Ughor Debabarma (a contemporary of Irabot who led the armed struggle in Tripura ), late leader Soyam Shatradhari who told me fifteen years back that he would publish all the epistles and communications of late Irabot at his disposal, talked to a Meetei state committee septuagenarian leader of 1960s at Nongmeibung, RGC commander N. Binoy (alias Sunil in northern Manipur, alias Bipin in Southern Manipur) who single handedly collected 100 guns out of nearly two hundred guns for the RGC, L. Tiken of the RGC and also late Longjam Manimohon, who along with late Laishram Kanhai happened to be in the ranks of intermediate leadership of the MCP (not within the top decision- making 5 red guard commanders; reportedly the two did not take up arms) and studied strong refutations in 1996-97, made by late MP- Ngangom Muhindra, one of the top five red guard commanders in the millennium CPI souvenir.
The ideological format of the 1950 armed struggles had been based on 1) Defeat of Hitler and Japanese fascism in world war II (hence, Japan khurai thude-u song of Ms. Chandrakala; no chiding of the British colonialism, mark it please); 2) a new ‘constellation of class forces’; 3) post-war colonies launching “Armed Struggle against imperialists”; 4) Nehru’s government denied freedom to Indian people; 4) National government id.est. Delhi government collaborates with Anglo-American imperialism; and hence, the launching the democratic revolution by the CPI in 1950.
The afoji did operate within these parameters. Some of the MCP analysts, who along with another couple of scholars, who the late CPI MP had referred to in his refutations, did little source- verifications while jumping to Nongda hypothesis (cited by V.V.Rao and Gangmumei Kabui). Irabot epistles are yet to be published, made public by the custodian concerned, and we have to re-assess the MCP vis-a’-vis the CPI of the India-occupied Manipur after their publication. The author has no opportunity to read the unpublished Irabot documents, so far held up for unknown reasons for a long time, like many other scholars. The writer does not think that the CPI leaders of occupied Manipur in the mid 1950s would have been appreciated in the unpublished Irabot epistles, as many of them surrendered after SP Palit’s racist crackdown on PDA detenues (that matriculate coloured barbarian- looking gentleman was awarded IPS along with a reward -hunting Meetei officer for subjugation of Manipur people and the RGC), and disowned their MCP role and themselves too, for setting new agenda of political opportunism.
Cloak and dagger policy prevailed in the post- MCP CPI premises even by concealing for seven years, the news about the death on September 26, 1951, of Hari or Jogeshwar, who the BCP called as AFOJI ( elder comrade in Burmese or, comrade Ahal to the armed Manipuri red guards ) .The foreign comrades called him peoples’ hero or , Jana-neta (Meeyam luchingba in Manipuri free translation; the author has to look up a dictionary in order to decipher what a Jana actually meant). Comrade Longjam Jyanendro of Kongba (whose elder brother possibly maintains his jottings in a small notebook of about 30 pages approx , about MCP and Irabot very privately) had to supply medicines and a few Akbar cigarette boxes, but comrade ahal missed in his most difficult times, the complete attention of the party to his deteriorating health.
Afoji wrote to L. Jyanendro- “Eigee chaananaba hidak amatta leitre / Bismark Stomach powder nattaraga Maclean’s Stomach powder Liklee Aneekhakata Leiraga peeraku.” The supremo was in dire need of medicine for his last survival (the author may not be completely wrong to guess so) and the party with a huge network of activists missed the opportunity to give a chance to him to live a little bit longer, inspite of the inevitable personal differences. A few good men could and might have existed by that time, inspite of capitalizing to-day his name for other purposes that Irabot would have not been comfortable with. Anyway,that was the past that nobody could alter. The full and comprehensive inside story has no space here and the author may be forgiven for the short shrift.
CORE ISSUE I- ARMED STRUGGLE
A would- have-been congressman that afoji was at his first political stint, might not have been the harbinger of Manipur national question as much as the gen-next of post –MCP period, but had definitely been the political supremo of the RGC that inaugurated armed struggle for the liberation of the exploited in Manipur. International politics of the pre-and post-war period witnessed the communist polycentrism in the CPSU monolith to which the CPI belonged on the one hand, and Yugoslav or, Communist China specific communist configurations, which the CPSU looked with mistrust and communist realities, not necessarily Bernstein or, Rosa Luxemberg or, Trotskyte brands.
The CPI monolith had suspected afoji to have taken recourse to Titoist line in deviation of the CPSU monolythism and hence, the dubious self- criticism episode. Khrushev had successfully mended the Soviet-Yugoslav ideological hiatus and in that context, Yugoslav –baiting lost its Stalinist ideological validity. The CPSU within had been a bundle of competing political theses including Zhadnov thesis that prevailed upon others in CPSU’s expansion of communist ideology towards the east- particularly Asia. But for M.N. Roy in the 1920s and subsequently thereafter, India and the East might have missed a revolutionary experience; however, his over enthusiasm had overtaken Leninist objectivity of that age.
The CPSU did not recommend its favourite, time-tested Bolshevik methodology, but recommended the then rising Maoist peasantry-led city encirclement armed struggle for Asia. Strategically, in the overall cold war situation, the communist targeted the end of what N. Lenin called imperialism and tactically, Mao Tse Tung’s tested peasant rebellion, particularly after its crowning success in 1949, had been more suitable for non-European eastern question. Zhadnov thesis that had been approved by CPSU leadership for resolving the eastern, Asian question had been clandestinely endorsed by Asian conference and the second CPI congress in Calcutta, 28 February to March, 1948 which bore an innocent façade exclusively for British consumption.
The Asian revolutionary agenda had been set in Calcutta.(For details of Zhadnov thesis and CPI of 1947-1950, see N.Sanajaoba ed., Manipur Past & Present volume I, 1988,pp.246-252). The CPI had, therefore, endorsed Calcutta conference resolutions (read CPSU Zhadnov line, or 2nd party congress) for triggering off armed struggle in India, which included, in CPI perception, India-administered Manipur, Tripura and British-annexed Assam as well. The cliché like Indian annexation would supposedly perturb the conscience of pandits and diplomats. The author, therefore, is put to task to clarify annexation issues. In contemporary world, everyone is in the know of what annexation means to the polity after the world community rejected firmly any justification whatsoever- might be that of Kuwait in 1991,three Baltic states in 1939, East Timor in 1975, Montenegro, Kosovo, South Ossetia(2008 issues) and, many more- ad infinitum.
Naturally, imperialists and colonizers — might be in capitalist or communist camps whatever – or, puerile local scholarship in Manipur or the region, ought not relinquish their hard-earned gobbling up mind-set. Without the pitch- black darkness around, even a candle, let alone the sun, loses it shine and significance; they have to be there to make and impute a sense to history, although they make no history. The dialectics goes on. Notwithstanding Manipur annexation issue that is too simplistic, homely and familiar to us all, Sikkim annexation had been denounced by top echelons of India, who raise the human reason above native, embedded, inextricable prejudices of the broken psyche.
What the MCP had not addressed to has been completely addressed by the new elites of Manipur with proven national and international performances. India has to be proud of them. Indian annexation of Sikkim in 1975 had been denounced by prime minister Morarji Desai, chief justice of India – M.Hidatullah, Nani Palkhiwala, Nari Rustomji, A.G. Noorani, Minu Masani so and so forth- all the legendary personalities in the hall of fame, and also in the UN Human Rights Committee.(see Illustrated Weekly of India, May 13, 1984;April 21,1985;July 1,1984; and July 22, 1984, among others). Chief Justice M. Hidayatullah’s article – ‘The Law’ demolishes Indian annexation of Sikkim by Hidayatullah’s own country India.(The Weekly, 22nd July, 1984, pp.42-45 and 62).Independent-minded scholars of history, diplomacy and law would appreciate the legal arguments , espoused against Sikkim annexation by chief justice(retd.) of India.
With the setting up of universities in Manipur and the region, we are yet to evolve independent- minded, genuine scholarship, not the damp squip ,and horrible, irrational logicians of the below- the bottom order. Manipur is in search of persons capable of exercising independent judgement on puzzling issues of the day. The author is yet to search for mighty scholars in Manipur and the NE region, many of whom would hang on the unjustifiable annexations, for their personal opportunism and gains. Till the CPSU clandestinely mandated CPI through top secret channels to abandon BT.Randive line( read CPSU line ) of armed struggle for India in mid-1950, which afoji Hari could not receive through CPI Assam unit while in Burma, the RGC did the armed struggle in Manipur valley in 1950-1951.
Former comrade Satindra Singh had noted the critical 1950 in this way: “ Although Ranadive had been replaced by Rajeswara Rao, the communists were unable to formulate a tactical political line on their own. They continued to grope for light until Stalin (sic.CPSU boss) summoned S.A. Dange, Ajoy Ghosh,Rajeswar Raoand Basayapunnaiah to Moscow. From their hideouts, they traveled in cognito to Moscow. According to well-informed sources, Stalin patiently listened to them, then ordered a map of India and asked them to show him the exact location of Telengana. When it was done, he angrily remarked: “ How could you think of organizing a guerilla revolt in an area which does not have a common frontier with any Socialist country ?”.Stalin then laid down the lines.” (The Illustrated weekly of India, January 9, 1977, p 15)
The CPSU, on the contrary, recommended that armed struggle would continue in other parts of Asia, including Burma that remained under sway of both the Soviet party and the CPC. This period has remained a puzzle to the rebels in Indo-Myanmar area of that period. A couple of works like-Charles B. McLane’s ‘Soviet Strategies in South East Asia’, Geoffrey Fairbairn’s Revolutionary Warfare and Communist Strategy’(1968),Jay Taylor’s ‘ China and South East Asia-Peking’s relations with Revolutionary Movements’(1976),C.P. Fitzgerald ‘s ‘ China and SouthEast Asia since 1945’(1975), Uma Shankar Singh’s ‘Burma and India’(1979) along with V.B. Sinha’s ‘The Red Rebel in India’(1968), Biplab Dasgupta’s ‘The Naxalite Movement’(1974),and M.N. Roy’s’ India in Transition’(1971), among others, would possibly remove the confusion a little bit.
Confusion arose in the Manipur rebels about the two-pronged CPSU tactical line and even the Assam unit with its envoy to Manipur DOC – Uma Sarma and Basna was not fully informed, because the route from Stalin to party chief, Dange to party leader, then to Assam unit and further down to the remote foreign DOC hideouts in that period happened to be an unending political circumnavigation. Besides, the 1950 armed struggle had not been supported by three top leaders viz., Ajoy Ghosh, S.A. Dange and S.V. Ghate for the simple reason that outside Telengana, Manipur, Assam and Tripura etc., Krishak sabhas or peasant organizations virtually did not exist in India and a civil war could not be triggered. B.T.Ranadive had to be ousted by Rao in the same way as Ranadive had ousted P.C. Joshi. Heads rolled on and out in the CPI hierarchy, before parliamentary measures had been opted for in lieu of the revolutionary struggle that had been abandoned forever.
Even violent Marxian class struggle or, Leninist anti-imperialism struggles have been literally cast out in the revisionist process; the house had been abandoned barring the imposing banner while rushing to the outhouse and mouth-watering slogans. The MCP had to rush in the queue. The CPI had difficult times during Quit India movement while defending their pro-British political stand vis-a’-vis Gandhi-led independence movement. Tons of literature are available in defence of both sides. However, the CPI like the BCP ( both white and red flags) and smaller ones considered Indian independence as sham, and it had to take up armed struggle largely, for the independence of India, immediately after Indian independence.
In similar vein, the BCP et al did not consider Burmese independence from Japan in 1943 as proclaimed by Japan and the subsequent independence from the British in 1948 as the real independence. As soon as the party aborted their armed struggle, MCP too followed suit. The afoji did not quit the party, nor did he constitute another anti-CPI party to advance the supposedly Manipur nationalist cause that he did not address. However, his stature as the MCP party supremo that commanded the RGC is worthy of an historical space. At the time when the afoji left for Burma by default in 1951, the Burmese communist insurgency was at logger heads and more complicated, because, in 1946, Trotskyte Thakin Soe split pro- Maoist ,Stalinist, all Burman BCP and formed the Red flag while, Thakin Than Tun and Ba Thienof BCP attended 1948 Calcutta conference.
In March, 1948, BCP had started the armed uprising by way of implementing the thesis of H.N. Ghosal, CPI’s delegate in Burma. Ghosal who in Burma had enunciated Zhadanov line in his pamphlet-‘On the present political situations in Burma and Our times’ was eliminated by Thakin Tan Tun a decade later , who in turn had also been liquidated, due to ideological reasons probably after some years-Ghoshal’s support to general Ne Win, known for his Burmese way to Socialism. In early 1950, BCP deputed two central committee members to Peking that militarily helped BCP and stood for liberation of Burma.
In 1951, Burmese army cleared the BCP from fertile lands; BCP was prepared for negotiated settlement. India, on the contrary militarily and financially helped the Burmese government, which would enter into Indo-Burma agreements subsequently thereafter. In the most perplexed situation of Burmese insurgency politics, the afoji had no alternative than leaving Burma at the earliest without defining the next perspective in clear terms and 26 September, 1951 concluded the mission. The rosy pictures painted by some writers about his Burma visit may not be fully true after considering the intra-insurgency feuds, interventions from China, USSR, and India, among others. The Manipuri afoji was small enough to bring to terms the irreconciliable forces, at a time when the BCP (white flag) Thakin Than Tun strictly followed the Cominform line- the Zhadnov approach, re-enunciated by Ghoshal.
The confusion about afoji acting under MCP directive or, his choosing a personal anti-CPI Irabot line did not arise at all, as the supremo had been deputed by the MCP at the eleventh hour, when Ng. Muhindro and Th.Boro, who had been deputed officially for Burma access had been arrested by police, and by default, the supremo had replaced the two. In a sense, the afoji left for Myanmar absolutely by default. One of the leading informants revealed to me that the arrest of the two had been pre-arranged, however, multi-source confirmation is yet to be made. After the bitter, possibly enforced self-criticism of October 10, 1949, Irabot would have never gone against the party directive.
Ng.Muhindra defended the said self-criticism as the routine socialist political culture; but unfortunately, the CPI in the entirety dared not take up a routine self –criticism repeat after they denounced armed struggle forever. The most misconstrued access of the supremo to Burma had actually been firstly to gain arms aid from Burmese insurgents, secondly, to move easily in liberated zone in Burma, as the party so directed. The RGC striking force had 32 trained red guards, supported by about 500 village guards. Some writers had confused the 500 village guards as the graduated red guards. The red guards had struck upon the Manipur police, Manipur rifles and 4th Assam rifles. (see the author’s article Hundred Guns Guerrilla war in 1949-1951 , The Freedom daily, 30.9.1996 & 1.10.1996 for details of the revolution) . In 1950, the inaugural armed struggle was considered to be an unprecedented event.
Even today the CPI/CPM of India had to fight out the Communist Party Maoists that sustain armed struggle in 15 more Indian states outside the NE region. The latter unwittingly snubs the anti-revolutionary CPI-CPM as opportunistic, reactionary , social imperialists comparable to their counterpart – the American imperialism. In West Bengal, the Congress and the CPM in their own turn, in greatest show of anti-revolutionarism, had successfully exterminated several thousands of communist revolutionaries after 1971, mostly the brilliant students of the Presidency College. It could be recalled that Peoples’ Daily of China, May 19, 1967 and June 27, 1967 had cited revolutionary struggles in India like those of Naga, Mizo and peasants revolutions in Darjeeling, among others.
Police commissioner Ranjit Gupta had recollected the 1970s: “When the CPI-M proposed that (sic. Ajoy Mukharji government) they would deal with the Naxalites politically, they meant violence and liquidation”. (The Illustrated Weekly of India,April 21,1985,p.41) .The divide continues, possibly deeper. The author is yet to be educated if the present crop of CPI/CPM and their present day red- guards or, booth-capturing cadets of Nandigram style of to-day exactly implements what N.Lenin wrote, “Without a revolutionary theory, there cannot be a revolutionary movement.” They are left to introspect themselves.
From committed anti-revolutionism to silent no-revolutionism could have been the long march of the official communist parties of the day. We are afraid if the afoji had been alive to-day like his Tripuri co- revolutionary Ughor Debabarma, he might have faced the same ideological fury of the communist extremists. He had seminal national aspirations within his bosom not outside, but that remained implicit in both letter and spirit. Legends are born out of forelorn graveyards in distant lands.
We hope some of their learned members might have read their literature as much as I do. The MCP or, CPI later on, had never denounced Indian annexation of sovereign Manipur nor, did it oppose the humiliating, servile D.O.C.(district status) of MCP under Assam unit of colonial CPI., unlike the socialist party or young socialist league or one of the two Congress factions in Manipur that strongly challenged the so called disputed merger of the country by a foreign power.
That is why late MP Ng. Muhindra always like any other CPI members and the young ones too, who applauded one hundred national liberation armed movements elsewhere (see all party records without a blink) looked upon the national liberation organizations in Manipur as secessionist or terrorist outfits, unlike the CPSU veterans. Duplicity had been bequeathed to the successors to reprimand and frown upon liberation movements in the best political tradition of social imperialism, very particularly in Manipur and the NE region as a perturbation to what guru Gowalkar in his imagined nationalism, calls akhandabharat. The revisionist leaders had misread Manipur history for their post- facto political gains.
They had no mistake in singing his master’s tune in total disregard for CPSU’s unrelenting, uncompromising struggle against colonialism and imperialism of all forms till 1991. For want of space, the morphology and anatomy of the RGC (estd. 3 March, 1950) revolution in 1950-1951 are not described herein. One had to admit that in that age that was a big event which no one could overlook even today.
Inspite of their inaugural adventurism that usually smacks of indiscipline, gross abuse of individual discretion in difficult times, the Red guards religiously complied with the script and manual , unlike the present day, mushrooming, de-humanised human clusters assuming revolutionary garbs ,in pursuit of their ambiguous or, rather counter-revolutionary man slaughters, here and elsewhere. It may be stated that the hundred of thousands of Maoists in China worked under the gospel of the Red book; even the Sicilian Mafias had their own manuals (text not flashed herein for want of space). Indian army is governed by Army Act, elaborate rules and above all, the ‘Ten commandments’ issued since 1993 (text with the author) to soldiers operating in the region. It might be recalled that the hero of French revolution- Robespierre had been guillotined by the French revolutionaries for committing excesses. Manipuri Red guards in 1950 did not literally step outside the script, notwithstanding the terror they let loose against class enemies.
The tactical manual- ‘Course for the Cadres of the Shock Brigade’ circulated by the CPI headquarter and seized by the government of India in 1950 had provided the elaborate instructions, which had been intended to reach the RGC command. The excerpts are:
1. This Shock Brigade cadres’ course is meant only for the cadres of the Shock Brigade.
2. This cadres’ course is made, basing on the guerrilla principles and tactics as enunciated by Mao (sic.Tse Tung)
3. Everyday practical exercises on silent killing, night games on the last two days-one party attacking a police station…
5. The weapons dealt with here are the rifle, shotguns and … handbombs. … The guerilla activities mean the raiding of the police station, zamindar or jotedar’s houses; ambushing police parties to annihilate and collect arms from them… — The basic unit of a guerrilla force ,or the shock brigade as we call it, will consist of five Or ten cadres including the leader.
EQUIPMENT There shouldn’t be any particular badge or dress for the cadres, because…
RAID… CONCRETE TARGETS FOR RAIDING (…precise instructions to follow in details) The full text of the manual has been exhaustive and hence, the basic excerpts only are highlighted while revisiting the memorylane of the communist terrorists of the 1950. A bulk of Mao’s literature brought by air by a Manipuri student from Kolkata had been confiscated by the police. Manipuri hillmen constructed guns from water pipes to provide for the equipments. Ex M.P. Ng. Muhindra, N.Binoy and Th.Boro imparted training to the members of the RGC at Keibi hillock.
Interestingly, they called grenade as mukphu, bullets as kolom machin so and so forth. Irabot’s code name changed annually. The supremo had sent from Burma, four guns, a type writer and gold bar. The RGC camps had been opened at Keibi, Modaipok, north and south Jiri. Kamong,Andro and Heirok as the strategic point. The RGC had created the revolutionary mechanism; however, the armed movement could not succeed in 1950. CORE
ISSUE II- MANIPUR NATIONAL QUESTION
The party supremo afoji and the MCP had given more emphasis on the Manipur revolution in conformity with the CPSU guidelines, CPI mandate than on the issue of Manipur annexation. Official records available till date do not reveal tangible MCP’s official vindication of Manipur national question during and immediate after the MCP ‘s aborted revolution. One need not reiterate the immense ideological thrust given by the leftists from Marx down to Lenin down to Stalin, and then to Gorbachev, to the need for addressing national questions along with the colonial and economic questions. They did never encourage return of the nations to re-tribalisation, but established nations and nationalities could not be left to the cold unattended. The CPSU had been consistent in directly fraternalising national liberation movements in a large number of colonial situations, particularly in the third world.
The historic de-colonisation UN, GA resolution no. 1514 of 1960 had been proposed by the USSR and seconded by India. CPSU’s fraternal party- CPI had espoused right of people to self-determination till 1951; CPI member Somnath Lahiri espoused right to secession of constituent states of India in the constituent assembly. How had the CPI chosen duplicity towards Manipur national question was enigmatic till 1953 and even beyond. It would be pertinent to cite that the CPI actively supported the right to self determination of Pakistan. MCP was not honoured as a separate unit like Assam unit of the CPI, as it had been calculatively insubordinated to the inferior status of D.O.C.(District Organising Committee) by the CPI of mainland India, possibly as a logical sequel to the disputed Indian annexation of sovereign Manipur.
The mainland CPI, unlike the CPSU had been showing its colonial behaviour even to MCP. The RGC that struggled for the emancipation of the exploited in Manipur was not sponsoring the armed struggle with a view to undoing the disputed Manipur annexation. The de- annexation agenda is invariably the interwoven, clearly worked out contribution of the post-MCP gen-next and their organized rebellion or insurgency, which the government of India is yet to fully address to as on to-day . They wish to plough the political field with a re-set national agenda, that the MCP missed out for one reason or another. Certain issues like “Purnadayitaysheel shashan” and “Swadhin Bharatkee Manungda Swadhin Manipur” of a 1946 civil society resolution had created more confusion than necessary. The first political demand of the left-oriented party had never transcended the accepted Indian question and it had been a domestic Indian political arrangement.
Purbanchal matter or its repudiation whatsoever was absolutely India’s domestic, internal affair. These petty matters, inflated as much as one can for diversionary purposes, do in no way distract the people and the movements from the major annexation imbroglio. The CPI demand was for a full responsible government within India, not a fair correction of the unfortunate annexation blunder. Some leaders thrive on and capitalize at someone’s big blunder, and the victim’s agonizing pain. The beauty of oppression lies in the loss of vision and sensibilities. Barring the Praja Mandal & Nikhil Manipuri Mahashbha meeting resolution, dated 5-4-1946 which, for records’s sake, asked for independent Manipur inside independent India, holding plebiscite to decide the possible integration of Manipur with another Indian province, the MCP or its frontal organization did not ask for sovereign status of Manipur.
The two major components are “within India” and “integration with another province within India.” In the broadest sense of the term, it was made out to be intra- Indian political affair. No activist movement advanced or pursued the resolution at all. However, the revolutionary élan survived on the Manipur soil (for want of space, see the author’s articles published in the Freedom daily ‘Meetei State Committee’, dt. 13 and 20 July, 1996; ‘Buffer state ultimatum,’ dt. 2 August,1996…) The RGC had never taken cognizance of even this resolution in private. Manipuri gen-next evaluated the afoji’s benchmarks without any inhibition. Edit-page of Resistance weekly,25 September,1979 ‘Why Irabat failed’ finds fault:”— Irabat underestimated the national contradiction between … people of this region (sic.NE region comprising seven states) and the Indians.” and “Irabat failed to understand the enveloping Indian colonialism”.
A major political consequence of the aborted MCP revolution led by the RGC in 1950 could be located in the resurgent armed struggle that took care of Manipur national question, unambiguously addressed by the enlightened and highly informed critical gen-next. Surrenderees of the MCP had to join CPI. Charges of mutual betrayal and treachery had also been vigorously traded off between and among the ex MCP revolutionaries. One called the other as betrayer and the down the memory lane, the relic survives. Another important informant confided to the author that the afoji had been betrayed .Confirmations are being sought in more details. It might have been a vulgar tirade or, a bitter truth .The author keeps the statement open-ended.
The relics of the trade off continued for long time. In 1952 election, the CPI had contested thereby keeping aside their revolutionary past like a mistaken romantic adventure. The political by-products had been transformation of the red guards and the political supremo into the CPI in India-administered Manipur, eventual breakup of the CPM on the one hand, and the involvement of some of the middle ranking MCP activists (not RGC command) initiating the Meetei state committee armed struggle in 1960s with very much ambiguous confederal political arrangement with the Nagaland independence movement, under the leadership of Wangkhei Tomba et.al (Tomba’s diary had been recovered partially in 2007, some parts had been badly soiled), the grand initiative of Longjam Manimohon and Laishram Kanhai of the MCP in hatching after four prepcom. meetings held at the house of Ninghthemmacha Priyogopalsana at the very outset, the United National Liberation Front, among others, and the eventual ripening of the Manipur review committee of mid-1960s to an hierarchical set- up incorporating young blood of that age.
Political assassinations like that of comrade Thokchom Bira due to the lingering post- MCP confusion and also due to complete lack of transparency in the working of the party had unfortunately occurred in Imphal decades after. Subsequently thereafter, the next phase of guerrilla war of the PLA (Eastern Region till 1990) and PREPAK took place in the valley in 1978-79 in operation day break, supposedly, heavier in tone, ideology and texture than that of the aborted 1950 MCP revolution, to be followed by the MPA guerrilla offensives thirteen years subsequently thereafter. The rest is the recent story vividly unfolding frame after frame ,before our own vision and sensibilities.
The red guards revolution in 1950-1951 left a profound, indelible impact on informed Manipuri world view and onward progression of a composite, egalitarian history of the ancient Asian state. The colonial world view thrust from the top upon an unwilling Manipuri generation by way of mistaken political postulations of the administering power may not hold the future destiny of a people, committed to proven egalitarianism and equal friendly, national relationship in the community of nations. The MCP revolution remains a pathfinder in a re-defined, better articulated political landscape in the twentyfirst century.
Source: Sent by the Authour via internet from his e-mail id email@example.com, on Saturday, September 20, 2008, at 7:56 AM.
The article was widely published in several online journals and print journals.
1. Shansi Media Has Again Lashed Out At Upper Level Authority, This Time Broadly Endorsing Disobedience. “No Matter Who And No Matter When, So Long As There Are People Who Negate The Great Achievements” Of The Cultural Revolution, “the Masses Will Persist In Struggle And Attack Them…,” Says An April 10 Shansi Daily Newsletter Broadcast By Shansi Radio April 19.
Referring To The People Of Shansi’s Hsiyang County “under The Leadership Of Comrade Chen Yung-Juei” (Politburo Member And Agricultural Hero), The Newsletter Reports That “they No Longer Act Blindly On Instructions From Above, As They Did In The Past. Instead, They Ask ‘why’ About Each Instruction…They Implement All Correct Instructions…And Boycott And Struggle Against All Erroneous Ones.”
2. Comment.There Is No Doubt About The Current Context Of This Challenge To Upper Level Authority And While Shansi’s Provincial Leadership Is Clearly Under Attack, It Cannot Be Ruled Out That The Call For Local Scrutiny Of Upper Level Instructions May Apply To Some Policy Directions From The National Level. The Newsletter As Broadcast Seems Deliberately Ambiguous On This Point. It Appears To Pose Chen’s Country Bailiwick As A Model Of Rebellion Against Erroneous Instructions From Any Source.
Telangana: Hundreds arrested for protesting Maoists’ killings
Hundreds of activists from Left parties and other mass organisations across Telangana were arrested on Wednesday to halt their march to the state assembly to protest killing of two Maoists by police. Leaders and workers of various organisations were detained in different districts to prevent them from heading to Hyderabad for participating in the march called by the Telangana Democratic Front (TDF). Academician Chuka Ramaiah was kept under house arrest in Hyderabad but he said arrests will not stop the movement.
The assembly building in the heart of the city virtually turned into a fortress as police imposed restrictions on all roads leading towards the assembly. A large number of policemen were deployed in the area to prevent protesters. Tension prevailed at Osmania University as students gathered on the campus to march in violation of the prohibitory orders imposed by police. Policemen in riot gear were deployed at the gates to prevent students from coming out. Scores of students and their leaders were arrested at Osmania University and Nizam College hostels since Tuesday night. Police denied permission to the march on the ground that Maoists may participate in it and indulge in violence.
Those arrested in districts like Warangal, Khammam, Mahabubnagar, Karimnagar, Medak and Nalgonda include women and students. Raising slogan against the government and calling for an end to “fake encounters”, the protesters took out rallies in different parts of the state. Communist Party of India-Marxist Telangana state secretary T. Veerabhadram said 3,000 to 4,000 activists were arrested across the state. He termed the arrests as undemocratic. Maoists Shruthi and Vidyasagar were killed near Medaram of Warangal district on September 16. It was the first such killing after the formation of separate Telangana state last year. Terming it as a “fake encounter”, 370 organisations, including 10 left parties and the groups which fought for separate Telangana state, have come together under the banner of TDF to condemn the killings. It is demanding probe by a sitting judge.
Wanted Naxal Held in Chhattisgarh
RAIPUR: A 30-year-old naxal, who was carrying a reward of Rs 2 lakh on his head, was arrested today from Chhattisgarh’s insurgency-hit Dantewada district, police said. The cadre identified as Budhram alias Hidma Podiyami, belonging to Indravati area committee of Maoists, was apprehended from Padarpara under Nelasnar police station limits, Dantewada Superintendent of Police, Kamlochan Kashyap told PTI. On receiving a tip-off that Podiyami had arrived in Padarpara–where victims of naxal violence during Salwa Judum movement and auxiliary police personnel reside–to conduct a recee, different teams of police were dispatched towards the spot, the SP said adding that after surrounding the place, he was nabbed.
Podiyami was wanted in several cases of naxal incidents, including attack at Tumnar weekly market of the district in which an assistant constable was killed and two others were injured, the SP said. He was associated with the banned outfit since his childhood as Sangham member. However, since after 2012, he has been serving as an active member of small action team of guerillas, the SP added.
MAOISTS KILL ABDUCTED TROOPER IN BIJAPUR DIST
Maoists have killed an Assistant Constable who was abducted by rebels in insurgency-hit Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh, police said on Wednesday. Police have recovered the body of abducted Assistant Constable Pandu Ram Kudiyam (31) from a restive patch falling under limits of Farsegarh police station, informed police. It may be recalled that 31-year-old Assistant Constable recruited in Chhattisgarh Police as Auxiliary Personnel was abducted by insurgents when he was on his way to Farsegarh after attending some family related engagement in village Palmendri on Monday evening.
According to police sources, after being informed about a body lying on a road under Farsegarh police limits, a police team rushed to the spot and recovered the body of Kudiyam. Prima-facie and initial investigation indicates that the Assistant Constable was subjected to intense torture and later killed with sharp edged weapon.
Reds urge villagers to return home
KORAPUT: Maoists have denied terrorizing villagers in the cut-off area of Malkangiri district and accused police of trying to defame the outfit by spreading rumours. In a letter to mediapersons, secretary of Malkangiri-Vishaka division Benu said, “We have neither harmed anyone nor asked people to leave their villages. Police are luring people with false promises of jobs, houses and training at Chitrakonda and Malkangiri and spreading rumours that they are leaving villages due to Maoist fear.” The Maoist leader appealed to the villagers to return to their respective villages and live without any fear. “We work for the development of the tribals,” the letter said.
Two killed by Maoists
Two persons were killed by Maoists in two separate incidents allegedly for being police informers in Jharkhand, the police today said. A 25-year-old villager identified as Atwa Kharwar was shot dead by the Maoists this afternoon under Senha police station for being a police informer, the police said.
In another incident, a villager was brutally killed by the Maoists for a similar cause in Pandari under Taratand police station in Giridih district last midnight. Deputy Superintendent of Police, Sambhu Singh said the Maoists first shot the victim before slitting his throat. The identity of the victim has yet been ascertained, he said adding from the eight posters of the Maoist outfit recovered from the spot, the victim was named as Nimari Goswami.
• Born on 30 September 1896 at Oinam Leikai near Pishumthong, Imphal, Manipur.
• After his father’s death, he moved with his mother to stay with his aunt Sougaijam Ongbi Ibeton Devi at Moirangkhom Sawaijam, Imphal. After his mother’s death and his return from Dacca in 1915 he was sheltered in the house of Maibam Samden of Wangkhei, Imphal.
• He was known as Jana-Neta (Leader of the people) by the Cacharis, Simanta Prahari (Sentinel of the Frontier) by Hemango Biswas, AFOJI ( elder comrade in Burmese or, comrade Ahal to the armed Manipuri red guards) by the then Burmese Communist Party.
• Hijam Ibungohal
• Chongtham Ningol Thambalngambi of Hijam Leikai
• Rajkumari Khomdonsana, daughter of MK Chandrahas, elder brother of the then reigning King Churachand.
• Johnstone Higher Secondary School, Imphal (upto Class seven).
• Pugoj High School, Dhaka, in present day Bangladesh (upto class nine). In 1915, he dropped out due to shortage of money and went to Agartala.
Literature & Journalism:
• Editor, Meitei Chanu, a hand written magazine brought out in 1922.
• Author, Saidem Seireng, a text book purchased from him by the Manipur State Durbar on 4 December 1929 and prescribed as a textbook for the High School students of fifth class.
• Author, Mohini, a novel published in serialized from, from August 1931 in Yakairol monthly. • • • •
• Author, Dalil Amasung Darkhast Iba, printed in 1933.
Founder General Secretary, Manipur Sahitya Parishad; 1937 and 1938.
Author of a collection of poems, Imagi Puja, written in Shylhet jail, published in 1987.
Founder cum editor, weekly Anouba Jug, from 13 April 1947 onwards.
Author of Lokmanya Tilak (Biography), Jaymati (Drama), Gomati (play) and translated Bankimchandra’s novel, Krishna Kanter Will into Manipuri – many of these are still in manuscripts.
Art & Culture:
• Acted in Bengali plays during the early period (1915-20).
• Acted in both male and female characters in early 1930s
• Played the role of Kumud in his first historical play in Nara Singh (1925).
• Played the role of Chandra Singh in Areppa Marup, social play of S. Lalit Singh,
• Played the role of Baladeva in the Manipuri version of the play, Debala Devi.
• Acted in Satee Khongnang.
• Founding member, Manipur Dramatic Union (MDU, established in 1931
• Played hockey, football, cricket, tennis and badminton.
• Encouraged Sat-jal, Manipuri martial art.
• Founder member, Imphal Town Club, a premier sports club in his time.
• Founder member, Manipur Sports Association.
• Member of the Sadar Panchayat Court; appointed on 1 April 1930 and resigned on the 17 March, 1939.
• Founder, Bal Sangha and Chatra Sanmelan while in Johnstone Higher Secondary School • • •
• President of the Reception Committee of Manipuri Sabha, appointed in November 1933.
Original member, Manipuri Mahasabha, in early 1930s.
Founder member, Nikhil Manipuri Hindu Mahasabha, 30 May 1934 at Imphal (later on Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha).
On 15 Feb 1939 the NMM was declared an illegal organization. On 7 January 1940, Irabot defected from the Mahasabha on matters regarding the non- agreement on physically supporting the Nupi-lan among its members. Founder of various organizations; Krishak Sabha Praja Mandal, Praja Sanmelani, Mahila Sanmelani, Youth League, etc.
• During the Nupi Lan, that was broke out since 12 December 1939, Irabot was arrested on 9 January 1940 and sentenced to 3 years imprisonment for a speech delivered on 7 January 1940 at the Police Line Bazar. He was previously kept at the Imphal jail but shifted to Sylhet jail. In the Sylhet jail he came across Congress and Communist leaders. Irabot was released from the Sylhet jail on 20 March 1943. But he was not permitted to enter Manipur. He stayed in Cachar to work among the Manipuri peasants and also among the non-Manipuri ex teagarden workers. There he joined the Kishan movements. He kept in touch with the communist leaders and attended the first congress of the Communist party of India that was held at Bombay from 23 May to 1 June, 1943 as a special invitee from Cachar.
• In Cachar he organized cultural squads known as Swadesh Ganer Dal, which was later on incorporated in the Indian People’s Theatre Association. He led a delegation from Cachar to the All India Kishan Sabha session held at Netra Kona in Mymensing District of Bengal. In March 1844, he went to Bejwada (Katakual Village) to join the Kishan Conference and stayed for sometime at the Bengal Communist Party office. The same year he went to Sylhet to join the annual session of the Surma valley provisional Kishan Sabha. Irabot was detained as a security prisoner in the Silchar District jail with effect from 15 September 1944 on the charge that he was a communist. He was released on 10 January 1945. After more than 5 years of political exile Irabot was given permission to stay in Manipur for a week i.e., from 2 to 10 September, 1945.
His request for an extension of his stay in Manipur was denied. He came back to Cachar and carried out peasants’ movement. He was appointed General Secretary of the Cachar District Kishan Sabha and President of the Surma Valley Kishan Sabha. He was instrumental in the establishment of the Assam Kisha Sabha, the CPI Assam Provincial Committee, and the Assam Students’ Federation. He contested in the 1946 election to the Assam Provincial Legislatures Assembly from the Silchar constituency as a CPI candidate. Irabot was finally permitted to enter Manipur in March 1946. In Manipur he organized a new party called the Manipur Praja Mandal in April 1946. He attended two sessions of the Nikhil Manipuri Mahasabha before he was expelled from the membership of the Working Committee of the Mahasabha on the charge of being a member of the Communist Party of India. He attended the second congress of the CPI held at Calcutta from 28 Feb to 6 March 1948.
The first Communist Party of Manipur was formed on 23 August 1948. In the June/ July 1948 election to the Manipur Assembly, Irabot contested and won under from the Utlou Constituency as a Krishak Sabha candidate. Before the inauguration of the Assembly, Irabot on behalf of the Manipur Praja Sangha and Manipur Krishak sabha called a meeting at the M.D.U Hall on 21 September 1948, to protest against the formation of Purbachal Pradesh, comprising of Manipur, Tripura, Cachar and Lushai Hills.
A scuffle took place at Pungdongbam when the Manipur Sate Police prevented a group of citizens who came to attend the meeting in which a police officer was killed on the spot. The Manipur state council declared the Manipur Praja Sangha and Manipur Krishak Sabha unlawful. The state officials declined to constitute an Enquiry Committee to investigate the Pungdongbam incident. Irabot could not attend the first meeting of the Manipur Legislative Assembly held on 18 October 1948 because of the warrant against him. Irabot formed an underground Communist Party of Manipur on 29 October 1948 and carried out armed struggle against the government. He died on 26 September 1951 at the foothills of the Anggo Hills.