The banner of those fallen in the struggle for dignity and freedom lives in Kobanê! Comrade Sibel Bulut (Sarya Özgür/ Eylem Deniz), a party combatant, has become immortal fighting the ISIS gangs at the southern front of Kobane. Comrade Sarya’s path of life began in 1986 in Dersim and has risen to immortality after revolutionary works in different areas of struggle. Our comrade Sarya, who was in Cizire at that time, was one of the first, that followed the call of our party ‘Participate in this revolution. Defend this revolution. Answer the call of Kobanê. Mobilize yourselves.’
Our comrade Sarya said ‘It’s each honourable person’s task to stand at Kobanê’s side. Standing by Kobanê and its people is the duty of every person with self respect and conscience. As a communist, I need to be right in the midst of this fair struggle’ and saying so had been fighting as a volunteer since the 16th October 2014 in Kobanê. Our comrade Sarya defended the revolution and hoisted our party’s banner. She was a communist combatant of our struggle for dignity and freedom, which we love so much that we die for it. Just as the fallen comrades Serkan and Paramaz she was a soldier of the great and fair cause. She was one of the female representatives of self-sacrifice, as the martyrs Arin Mirxan, Yasemin and Güneş before her.
Sacrificing her life she left us an honourable heritage as well as her weapons, which we will carry on to victory. She showed the whole world that there is nothing more valuable than dignity and freedom. Resisting shoulder to shoulder the combatants of MLCP, YPG and YPJ have strengthened the struggle street for street and house for house. Doing so they carried Kobanê near to the proclamation of victory. Sarya won’t celebrate the victory dancing along with her comrades.
Yet, those following her path will sing songs of freedom on her behalf. The party banner, a sign of dignity and freedom, that has been wrapped around her will never fall down. Her weapon will be among the guns that will be fired announcing victory as it is now in the hands of her comrades and will not remain silent untill victory is achieved. In order to honour Sarya and all fallen comrades it is our dignant duty and our promise to carry on the revolutionary flame in every region and all over the world. We will fulfill these promises at all cost. We call all women, especially the communist women, that defend dignity and freedom, to follow comrade Sarya and participate in the victorious march of Kobanê. Our condolences to our peoples and to her family. Greetings to those resisting on behalf of Kobanê and the Rojava revolution.
Glory to the Paramaz Kızılbaş’s, Arin Mirxan’s, Sarya Özgür’s!
Democratic, people’s and revolutionaries organizations around the world have shown their solidarity to the campaign for immediate release for Igor Mendes and all political prisoners in Brazil, from city and field. The chilean periodical El Pueblo and the bolivian blog Analisis y Opinion noticed on their webpages the arrest of our fellow and the persecution of other activists. The New Democracy Association Peru, stated on Germany, replicated our informs about the campaign calling other german organizations to pronounce and join in solidarity with our campaign.
The International Leninist Trotskist Fraction and the Construction Committee of Communist Maoist Party of Galicia (autonomous region on Spain territory) published releases in solidarity and demanding the immediate release of Igor Mendes and all political prisoners. The People’s Struggle Defense Front – Ecuador published, along with the banner we reproduced above, a note were they highlight the Brazilian Fascist State role in the persecution and imprisonment of people’s fighters at city and in the murderer of peasant leaders on struggle for land at the field:
“For the proletariat and the people from Ecuador, it important that we know the true character held by this reformists regimes in which besides the ones of Rafael Correa, Evo Morales, Mujica, Bachelett, and others, in Brazil, Dilma Rousseff, in the same way take on a restoring program tries do implement the needed policies to deepen and develop bureaucratic capitalism in Brazil. Since then, to manage to promote this reform, the Rousseff’s fascist regime have been using a permanent and systematic state terror policy associated with landowners controlled paramilitaries against the poor peasants, and at the cities against the marginalized people and his advanced organizations that steadily take on struggle campaigns to stop the excesses of the regime and the bourgeois-landowner voracity allied to imperialism. In this measure, the proletariat and the people from Ecuador, sends his boiling pulse and condemning against Rousseff’s government. We demand the immediate end of the persecution of popular and classists organizations, as well as the immediate freedom for Igor Mendes and all political prisoners the today are held in Brazil’s jails.”
The Proletarian Red Relief and the Communist Palermo Proletarian besides sending the message below held a demonstration at the Palermo University, in Italy. We appreciate all organizations, in Brazil and abroad, which have taken the side of fair people’s revolt and defended the right of the people to rebel. It’s patent, now more than ever, the political character of all this rotten and fascist campaign of persecution and arresting of combatant youth and fellow Igor Mendes’ arrest have served even more to propel de unmasking of the real class character of this State bourgeois-landowner, servile to imperialism, mainly yankee. We follow calling all to join in solidarity and to support the campaign for immediate release for Igor Mendes, Caio Silva, Fabio Raposo and Rafael Braga and the extinction of all political process and persecutions!
IMMEDIATE FREEDOM FOR IGOR MENDES AND ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS FROM CITY AND FIELD!
The formation of this party was a powerful strengthening for the international communist movement and a great assertion that it is the people’s war that unites communists and forge genuine Maoist Communist parties. An example from which we draw lessons, inspiration, but mainly a great confidence and an ideological strength for the proletarians and the advanced masses in our country. The formation of this party and its 10 years long history met and meet the aspirations and desires of the working class, the peasantry and the oppressed broad masses of India to have a genuine proletarian party that leads them toward a revolutionary change and the building of New Democratic society, marching to socialism and communism.
The flames blazing in South Asia makes India a potential new China, that of time of revolution. This represents revolution a huge event in the context of the balance of power in the world between imperialism and struggles of the oppressed peoples and between revolution and counter-revolution, an event that confirms that the main contradiction is that between imperialism and oppressed countries and nations, and that the revolution is the main trend. The great decision to found this party has also pointed out a method to build unity, as shown by the new and important stage of unity of the Indian communist movement represented by the merger of CPI(ML) Naxalbari and CPI (M).
At the time of its formation, the CPI (M) wrote in his statement: “The new Communist Party of India (Maoist) will continue to act as a consolidated political vanguard of the Indian proletariat. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism will be the ideological basis guiding its thinking in all the spheres of its activities. It will continue its struggle against right and left deviations, particularly against revisionism, by taking this as the main danger for the communist movement as a whole. It will still seek to unite all genuine Maoist groups that remain outside this unified Party.”
10 years later, this promise has been met and, therefore, it is a proofed Maoist road and line to draw from, in every country where Maoists need to be united in a vanguard communist party. But it is also an indication for the ICM, in the process to reconstitute an international organization after the collapse of the RIM. Marxism-Leninism- Maoism, People’s War, unity of the MLM Communists. Our party is openly committed with this path, it has been working for this during the past years and is united with the CPI(Maoist) in the construction of this process. The merger of CPI(M-L) Naxalbari brings better conditions for the advance of this process of unity, which all the genuine MLM parties and organizations must look at and draw lessons from, and, consequently, take side.
The unity of MLM parties and organizations is a crucial element to develop support to the People’s War in India internationally. That is why our party provides its full support to the line and action of the International Committee to Support People’s War in India and calls everyone to consolidate this unity and to fight the false internationalism, that with “leftist” words advocates a rightist practice and does not understand the strategic importance of the support to People’s war and the International Committee itself….
We are well aware that the best internationalist support is to make proletarian and socialist revolution in our country and that the best solidarity to the people’s war is to begin people’s war in our country. For this we are working, amidst hurdles, advances and setbacks, for a very difficult enterprise; and every time our party had the opportunity to talk with Indian comrades, we found understanding of these difficulties and encouragement. But the beginning of people’s wars depends essentially on the ideological, political and organizational basis, and on this the contribution of the Indian communist movement, as that of other parties of the ICM, is one of the decisive factors. We are exactly at this stage of ideological and political preparation, to fulfill our duties as genuine internationalists.
Long live the 10th anniversary of the formation of CPI(M)!
Long live the unity of Maxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties!
Naxals in South- IB dossier paints a scary picture
Bengaluru, Dec 22: There has been yet another attack by the Naxals in Kerala and this time it is at the Attapaddi village in Palakkad district. With posters calling for an armed revolution, the naxal menace in Kerala, which will affect the whole of South India appears to be back. On December 10th OneIndia had reported that the naxals are trying to raise their ugly head in Kerala. It was also reported that Chinese arms are helping the naxal movement and proof of the same was found after the Vellamunda incident. Todays suspected naxal attack is yet another grim reminder of this moment gaining momentum in Kerala and how it is spreading its tentacles to the whole of South India.
An Intelligence Bureau dossier on the rise of the rise of the naxal movement in South India which is with OneIndia states that the Communist Party of India-Maoist is expanding its base in the Western Ghats and the focus is specifically on Kerala. The report further states this movement which is re-emerging in Kerala attempts to gradually spread its tentacles to the rest of South India. Further it is also stated that the naxal movement is gaining in strength at Malappuram, Wayanad and Kannur in Kerala and Mysore, Kodagu, Udupi, Chikmagalur and Shimoga in Karnataka.
In Kerala it has been found that the movement is gradually gaining momentum. They are carrying out smaller attacks with an intent of announcing themselves rather than large scale destruction. They have sophisticated arms which are sent by the Chinese smuggler into Tamil Nadu from Sri Lanka. Further the report also states that the naxals in Kerala are relying heavily on the unions at the rubber and tea plantations. They want more manpower and local support and by carrying out these small attacks they propose to grab the attention of possible supporters and sympathizers.
The report states that across South India there are around 124 small time groups which support the naxal ideology and these could prove to be dangerous if not curbed.
Andhra and Tamil Nadu:
Tamil Nadu has become the favourite landing spot for arms. The IB report states that the naxals are in touch with some LTTE sympathizers who are in turn helping the naxals. A recent training camp at the Dandakaranya forest in Andhra Pradesh with the help of the LTTE sympathizers had also come under the radar of the Intelligence Bureau. The idea is to conduct training camps and also interlink the movement between the Southern states.
Karanataka has had its fair share of the naxal problem and like Andhra Pradesh had managed to beat down the problem. However what the officers in Karnataka need to watch out for is that the movement is gaining momentum in the neighbouring states and this could well end up becoming a problem for Karnataka. In Karnataka there is a great influx of labour from various parts of the country working in both the Coffee plantation sector and also the construction business.
The naxals are tapping these labour and feeding them with ideas and telling them to protest and demand better pay packages. There have been instances of naxal sympathizers getting in touch with these labour and telling them that their cause would be taken up. A Karantaka state intelligence bureau official said that the problem is under check for now. However we need to raise our alertness levels and ensure that the movement does not return to the state once again.
Alleged senior Naxal leader Arun Bhanudas Bhelke (38) and his wife Kanchan Ramkrushna Nanaware (31), who were arrested by the Pune Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS), were handed over to the Gondia district police for further investigation and case hearings at the Gondia court. Both the accused were produced in the special court of judge Mangala Dhote on Saturday. A team from the ATS, along with Gondia police, were present in the court and requested that the duo be transferred to investigate Bhelke’s involvement in several other Maoist movement cases in Naxal-affected areas of Vidarbha. Advocates Wajed Khan Bidkar and Surendra Gadling who are representing Bhelke, said, “We have not been updated why our clients have been transferred by the investigating agencies.”
A source from the ATS said, “The Gondia police will probably investigate the accused in connection with alleged Naxal leader Sudhir Dhawale. Dhawale is a Dalit activist and editor of the magazine, Vidrohi, which openly criticised the state in cases of social inequality. He was recently acquitted after spending over three years in jail. The Bhelke couple was arrested on September 2 in Pune by the ATS and booked under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) for their alleged involvement in Maoist activities.
PALAKKAD: A group of suspected Maoists attacked a forest office at Attappadi and two restaurants at Chandranagar in Palakkad district of Kerala in early morning on Monday. In another incident, a forest outpost at Vellamunda in Wayanad was also attacked by the alleged ultras. No casualty was reported. Sources said the outlets of KFC and McDonald on the Palakkad – Coimbatore national highway were attacked in the wee hours. Anti-US pamphlets and posters calling for armed revolution were found on the spot.
According to sources, a group of 19 people stormed into the building which houses the Silent Valley office around 1.30 AM and set fire to a jeep of the forest officials parked outside the complex. Furniture and other documents inside the office were destroyed. The gang had sped away before the forest officials and police arrived. Walkie talkie, Camera and other valuables were found missing from the office. Police have recovered pro-Maoist posters from the spot.
Maoists attack forest offices in two places in Kerala
Thiruvananthapuram: Suspected Maoists today attacked offices of forest department in Palakkad and Waynad districts in Kerala in the wee hours. No one was hurt in both the incidents. Billboards and posters allegedly by Maoists were found in both the places, police said. A forest range office at Mukkala in the Attapady region of Palakkad district, one of the main tribal hamlets in the state, was attacked and some of the furniture in the office damaged. In the other incident, an office of “Vana Samrakshana Samithi” was vandalised by the outlawed activists at Kunhom at Vellamunda forest area in Waynad district.
Maoist attack: Alert sounded at all check posts on TN-Kerala border
UDHAGAMANDALAM: An alert has been sounded at all check posts in Nilgiris district following the suspected Maoist attacks in Palakkad and Wayanad districts of Kerala, bordering the state, early today, police said.
PALAKKAD: The police have taken into custody two persons suspected to have connections in the Maoist attack at the Silent Valley office in Palakkad. The two natives of Kasargod were taken into custody from a bus proceeding to Mangara. A special team is questioning them.
Meanwhile, as the Maoists are killing more and more civilians, the State Government has decided to urge the Centre to provide two more battalions of Central Armed Paramilitary Forces (CAPF) and two more choppers to tackle the menace, reports The Pioneer on December 22. Chief Secretary GC Pati chaired a Unified Command Meeting on December 19 to take stock of the situation of Maoist violence.
MBA graduate arrested in Andhra Pradesh for supplying arms to Naxals
The Eluru city Police of West Godavari District arrested an MBA graduate, identified as Yellasri Sarath Reddy ailas Sarath Kumar, for allegedly manufacturing and supplying crude firearms to Naxalites-[Left-Wing Extremists (LWEs)], reports The Hindu on December 21. A special team of Police also seized pistol rods, iron sheets and springs used to make fire arms, magazines, a laptop and printer at his house in Autunagar in West Godavari District.
DOLAKHA, Dec 22: A dozen leaders and cadres of Dolakha District Committee of CPN-Maoist have joined newly formed CPN (Maoist) party led by Netra Bikram Biplab. Organizing a press meet at the district headquarters Charikot yesterday, they announced their break-away from their mother party CPN-Maoist. Those quitting the mother party are nine district committee members and three student leaders. District Secretary and in-charge of area number 6 Prem Lama, district secretariat member Prakhar Lama, UCPN (Maoist) secretariat member and district chairman of Dalit Mukti Morcha Rajan Dhanuke, secretariat member and in-charge of area number 5 Arjun Yogi have entered the newly formed CPN (Maoist) led by Biplab.
Similarly, those entering Biplab-led CPN (Maoist) are district committee members Chhiring Lama, Gopal Kharel, Nawaraj Aryal, district committee member and YCL state committee member DB Lama, All Nepal National Independent Students Union (Revolutionary) district vice chairman Ram Kumar Khadka, district committee member Ashish Joshi and Sundar KC. They have entered the Biplab-led CPN (Maoist) saying that Baidya-led CPN-Maoist has undermined the spirit of decade-long Maoist-led people’s war, feelings of martyrs’ families and cadres, deviating from the path of revolt.
INDIA: ODISHA MAOISTS: THE REVOLUTION IN RETREAT – ANALYSIS
Ending all speculations, on October 28, 2014, Nachika Linga, the leader of the Narayanpatna-based Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist) front organization Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh (CMAS), who was on the list of most-wanted in Odisha, surrendered at Bhaliaput village before a Police team led by the Inspector- in- Charge (IIC) of Narayanpatna Police Station in Koraput District. The surrender occurred in the presence of some local Panchayat (village level local self Government institution) representatives of the Narayanpatna block. Four of Linga’s associates, Sekru Sirika, Ansu Wadeka, Kandru Huluka and Birsu Wadeka, also surrendered before the Police. However, Inspector General of Police (IGP) of South West range, Yashwant Jethwa, disclosed, “He was arrested after his surrender.” Nachika and four of his associates are presently in a jail in Koraput District, after the Laxmipur Judicial Magistrate First Class (JMFC) Court rejected their bail applications on October 29.
Nachika, had been evading arrest for his alleged involvement in around 43 cases pending against him in Koraput District, including that of murder, attempted murder and instigation of violence, and had 33 non-bailable warrants (NBWs) against him since November 2009. On November 20, 2009, while protesting outside the Narayanpatna Police Station for the removal of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel from the area and an end to combing operations against the Maoists, CMAS activists engaged in a brawl with CRPF personnel, which subsequently led to Police firing, in which two persons were killed. Following the incident, 110 persons were arrested, while Nachika Linga was declared “most wanted” by Odisha Police.
Linga also had cases pending against him in Police Stations in the Parvatipuram area of Andhra Pradesh. Nachika Linga was thought likely to surrender at a local court in Koraput District on March 11, 2014, in the presence of hundreds of his tribal supporters. Media reports indicated that he wanted to surrender and contest as an independent candidate from the Laxmipur Assembly seat of Koraput District, where elections were scheduled to be held on April 10, 2014. However, Linga did not show up at the court, apprehending imminent arrest after noticing the presence of a large number of Border Security Force (BSF) personnel and local Policemen. The Maoists had described Linga’s intended surrender move as “drama”.
In a signed two-page letter written in Odia and released in the night of March 16, Chemella Kristaya alias Bhaskar alias Daya, ‘secretary’ of the Koraput-Srikakulam ‘joint division’ of the Andhra Odisha Border Special Zonal Committee (AOBSZC) of the CPI-Maoist, and Aruna, ‘secretary’ of the CPI-Maoist Narayanpatna Area Committee, accused Linga betraying the movement and striking a deal with the Police to get rid of the cases that were pending against him. They urged the tribals to disown him as their leader and his ‘selfish personal agenda’ of joining electoral politics, at the cost of larger interests of the tribal people.
When the Ryot Kuli Sangham [Peasant Labourers Association] of Parvatipuram (Vizianagaram District of Andhra Pradesh), which had spread its roots in Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon area of Koraput District in the name of Chasi Mulia Samiti, was declared a banned organisation in 2006, it reincarnated itself as the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha (Peasants, Labourers and Tribals Association), under the leadership of Nachika Linga, Arjuna Kendruka, Nachika Chamara and Wadeka Singana; Gananath Patra acted as their advisor.
By 2009, serious differences cropped up between Arjuna Kendruka, who led the Bandhugaon Block and Nachika Linga of the Narayanpatna Block. While Kendruka believed in a non-violent movement to secure land (by requests and donations) from the big land owners, Linga went on to grab land violently from these landlords. Linga also sought to mobilize people for violent movements to capture land from land lords, and to secure freedom from liquor and freedom from bonded labor. Difference also emerged over the utilization of CMAS funds. A political rivalry, less visible, but potentially more significant, also crystallized. Kendruka quietly secured a ticket from the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) to contest from the Laxmipur Assembly constituency (Koraput District), during the 2009 State Assembly Polls, with CMAS support, while Linga was interested in getting the ticket.
Subsequent developments gradually brought CMAS-Narayanpatna and CMAS-Bandhugaon to loggerheads. Linga, who headed CMAS-Narayanpatna, progressively engaged in more and more violent activities, while Kendruka, heading CMAS-Bandhugaon began to express opposition to these methods. Finding an opportunity to corner the support of the tribals, the Maoists also increased their influence among CMAS-Narayanpatna followers, and the faction under Linga’s leadership increasingly acted as a Maoist front organisation. However, unhappy with CMAS-Narayanpatna, the people of Laxmipur vowed to resist the organisation’s attempts to expand activities its area or activity. Further, a meeting attended by around 15,000 supporters at Laxmipur under the leadership of Kumuda Saunta (chairman of the Laxmipur Block) on September 11, 2009, demanded a ban on CMAS-Narayanpatna for its recurrent violent activities.
After being declared “most wanted”, the fugitive Linga was driven even closer to the Maoists. The Maoists also provided all possible help to fugitive CMAS-Narayanpatna activists in their efforts at reorganisation in the District. Subsequently, Linga allegedly helped the Maoists in the abduction of Biju Janata Dal (BJD) MLA Jhina Hikaka, while he was returning home to Laxmipur from Semiliguda, near Toyapet village in Koraput District on March 24, 2012. Linga, however, denies any hand in the Hikaka abduction.
The surrender of CMAS supporters in large numbers in 2013 and the gradual decline of Maoist influence in the area appeared to prompt Linga break with the Maoists. As noted earlier, Linga’s close associates and supporters from his native village, as well as other villages, surrendered before the Police and pledged not to support the Maoists. Odisha Police claimed that more than 2,400 CMAS supporters and sympathisers have surrendered. Further, with the Maoists finding him to be increasingly useless, they publicly disowned him in the wake of his failed attempt to surrender on March 11, 2014.
Linga was eventually left with few options, other than surrender. With the arrest of Sabyasachi Panda from an aide’s house in the Mangalavarampeta locality of Berhampur town in the Ganjam District on July 17, 2014, and now the surrender of Linga, the Maoists in Odisha have lost the services of their most violent face and their most prominent front organisation in the State. Nevertheless, the Maoists continue to hang on. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) database, as on December 14, Odisha has recorded a total of 40 Maoist-linked fatalities in 2014, including 30 civilians, one Special Police Officer and nine extremists, as against 54 such fatalities, including 22 civilians, seven Security Force (SF) personnel and 25 extremists through 2013.
Significantly, fatalities had peaked in Odisha in 2010 – at the height of CMAS activity – with 108 killed (62 civilians, 21 SF personnel and 25 extremists). Crucially, the dramatic reductions in SF and Left Wing Extremist (LWE) fatalities, and the increase in the civilian category, indicate that the Maoists are avoiding confrontation with the SFs, while they quietly go about eliminating opposition at the ground level. Any complacency on the part of the state at this juncture may, consequently, galvanise the Maoists to more violent action.
RANCHI: Villagers in Kabri-Kotam village under Garu police station of Latehar district are living in constant threat of being eliminated. Though they have been facing different rebel groups active in the region, this time the threat has come from Jharkhand Jan Mukti Parished (JJMP), a breakaway faction of the CPI (Maoists). JJMP cadres shot dead one Noor Mohammad alias Laddu Khan, a shopkeeper in the village on Wednesday and threatened six others of similar consequences. According to the villagers, the police are acting soft with the JJMP cadres and have left the villagers on their mercy. “Despite receiving report about the killing, Latehar police did not come to recover the body for post-mortem and other formalities.
The villagers were directed to bring the body to the police station,” said one of the villagers who has recently been threatened and is taking refuge in Ranchi. When asked, officer incharge of Garu police station Suresh Prasad Ram said that police went to pick the body but by that time villagers had picked it up for carrying out last rites. “The area is sensitive and remote so it takes time for us to reach there,” Ram said. He ,however, denied having information about half a dozen villagers being threatened by the JJMP. Pappu Singh, elder brother of Chotu Singh, a resident of the villager who is in the hit list of JJMP, told TOI that the police are not ready to listen to the villagers and are hand in glove with the JJMP.
“We have to follow the diktat of every armed group active in the region and JJMP labels us as Maoist supporters whereas police are giving a free hand to the anti-Maoist groups to push them on backfoot,” he said. Kabri-Kotam village is adjacent to Sarju, the Maoist-liberated area of the yesteryear. It was after Sarju action plan that the red rebels shifted their location from Sarju to adjoining villages, some of which are remote and disconnected from the mainland by rivers and channels.
According to locals, these villages where the police are unable to carry out frequent raids, the responsibility of controlling the Maoists has been passed on covertly to the rival armed groups. Those being threatened by the JJMP include Santosh Singh, Munil Yadav, Uday Prasad, Khurshid Miyan, Jaimangal Paswan and Chotu Singh. All of them have left the village and are taking refuge in different locations.
A group of comrades led by Biplab declared their dissociation from the party by submitting an undated divorce-letter to the party headquarters on November 24, 2014. The centre led by Biplab has been named as the Communist Party of Nepal Maoist. This short article has been penned to acquaint readers with the key events of anti-party factional activities in the chronological order and dissect in brief the ideological and political positions Biplab has put forward in his document entitled: “Rupture from status quo, an inevitable necessity of history”.
The two-line struggle is a motive force, which drives the communist party forward. It incessantly goes on in a communist party, sometimes high and sometimes low. In fact it is a struggle between correct and wrong ideological and political lines. But, the two-line struggle we experienced after the formation of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist has been a little odd. From the very beginning it did not remain within the confine of two-lines based on the ideological and political questions. Though it had ideological and political roots behind it, it erupted from the organisational issues. Right in the first convention that had formed the CPN-Maoist the question of leadership was placed at the fore. It was being whispered by some of the delegates that the convention should elect comrade Badal as Chairman and comrade Biplab as General Secretary of the party Central Committee, while comrade Kiran was trusted to provide with the charge of party custodianship. It was indeed a reflection of individual careerism deep-rooted in comrade Biplab. When Biplab showed extreme careerism through the speech he delivered comrade Badal had right then countered that it epitomised counter-revolution on the question of leadership. His assessment has now been proved correct.
For about two long years since then, there was an unusual situation in the party. There was no registered line difference as such on the ideological and political questions in the Party Headquarters, Politburo and even in the Central Committee nevertheless there were diverse opinions floating up in the lower ranks. This leadership is not dynamic and charismatic, it cannot lead revolution, this leadership is working hard to handover this party to Prachanda, it is not people’s insurrection but the people’s war that is applicable in Nepal etc. were the dissenting views that floated up in the lower level committees, hither and thither. By placing sentimental questions at the fore, the whole thrust was laid at acquiring majority and capturing leadership in the committees resulting in organisational anarchism all through the party.
When the need to enrich party’s military line adopted by the Seventh National Congress was felt in the party, the Central Committee meeting decided to call a National Conference to discuss it. In parallel to the document presented by comrade Kiran, comrade Biplab produced yet another document which in fact contradicted with the military line adopted by the Congress. When the Congress line was put in question by comrade Biplab producing a contradictory line, the CC meeting unanimously decided to organise, not a conference, but a Special Congress to discuss the documents within a year. Both the documents were handed out below for the lower level committees to study and the plan of street struggles were set with no dissenting position at the CC meeting.
But in contradiction of this decision at the centre, factionalism in the party did not stop. Comrade Biplab, on the one hand, did not participate in the HQ, PB and even CC meetings and on the other extensively intensified factional and cliquey meetings under his leadership. They used to say, “One, this leadership is inept and so cannot lead revolution, two, we are committed to going ahead to armed struggle, three, we cannot wait anymore, four, board in quickly otherwise the plane will take off soon etc. etc. In this backdrop, when he was asked to put his opinion in the party meetings by stopping such factional activities he said that he would not take part in any meetings except the plenum.
Factional activities were nonstop. A ‘national convention’ of Biplab-led faction was being clandestinely organised inside the jungle in Kapilvastu district. The CC meeting held right at that time called on them to stop that ‘convention’ and then participate in the plenum scheduled to organise on November 22, 2014. In spite of this, they not only denied it but also organised a press conference in Butwal to ‘publicise’ the decisions taken by the ‘convention’.
It was the very date in which the fifth plenum was scheduled to organise. When they did not show up in the plenum venue, comrade Kiran asked them again whether or not they would turn up. They replied that they were holding a meeting to discuss the issue and said they might participate in the day next. Given this situation, the plenum was deferred till the early next day, the 23rd November 2014. The next day, Biplab along with his admirers showed up in the plenum venue. Though late by one hour, the plenum commenced. After the usual proceedings were over, comrade Kiran and comrade Biplab both elaborated their documents and placed their say about the party situation. With this, the meeting was put off till the day next.
On the next day, however, he did not show up with his admirers but with a divorce-letter addressed to chairman comrade Kiran. Even after Biplab handed over the letter, comrade Kiran with a sense of high responsibility towards party unity showed maximum flexibility and requested comrade Biplab and his teammates to participate in the plenum and speak of whatever they think necessary to speak before the plenum delegates. Turning down this request by comrade Kiran they fled away the scene to organise a press meet, where they publicly announced their dissociation from the party. Two questions, one, what made him reluctant to wage two-line struggle in the party and, two, what made him so enthusiastic to split party when it was in middle of the plenum to discuss the questions of line and a Special Congress was in the pipeline scheduled to be organised within five months. History will definitely provide answer to these questions.
The two-line struggle that had started smouldering right after the formation of our party, the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, has in the due course resulted in the formation of a new Maoist centre in Nepal. Comrade Biplab, one of the erstwhile two secretaries of our party, has become the ‘pioneering’ leader to bring up this result to surface. Surprisingly, he declared separation from the party right on the early next day he had placed his dissenting opinion in the fifth Plenum, which was organised to carry out debate on the very documents presented by comrade Kiran and himself. This plenum was being held in his repeated insistence but he did not dare it to happen when the delegates were fully preparing to take part in the hot debate.
“Rupture from status quo”, has been a catchphrase in this document. There is a kind of attraction towards this tag among the revolutionary Nepalese youths. For they want the new democratic revolution in Nepal to regain momentum by rupturing from the widespread reactionary political disorder existing now. It is natural and just as well. On the contrary, Biplab has tried to use this catchphrase to amass people’s revolutionary sentiment in his favour and then misguide the revolutionary cadres and the masses towards erroneous ideology and politics. This document will in no case be instrumental to cause a rupture towards the revolutionary change from the prevailing political chaos in Nepal but will indeed make an ideological and political rupture from the revolutionary position the international and the Nepalese communist movement have been taking till the date.
Here are a few questions in which Biplab has ruptured from the basic ideological and political positions adopted since long by Nepalese and the international communist movement as well.
One, Biplab has started writing his document by placing a slogan to begin with. It reads: “Let’s struggle against the comprador bourgeois state! Let’s go along the direction of building a democratic state!” Noteworthy here is that from the very date of its formation the Communist Party of Nepal had regarded the socio-economic condition of Nepal to be in semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition. The Seventh National Congress of our party organised two years before reached to a conclusion that Nepal is a semi-feudal and neo-colonial country and thus decided to change the previous formulation. In his slogan, Biplab has introduced two new political terms by removing those the Communist Party of Nepal had been using ever since its formation in 2006. But, as regards the socio-economic condition of Nepal, Biplab has introduced a new terminology, Comprador Bourgeois State, with no satisfactory and equitable account to justify it. Nowhere in his 24-page long document, is the socio-economic condition of Nepal written to be semi-feudal and semi/neo-colonial one. In addition to this, he has replaced the terminology of New Democratic Revolution simply by democratic revolution. By so doing, he has ruptured firstly from the position of socio-economic condition the communist movement in Nepal has been maintaining till now and secondly from the Maoist principle of the New Democratic Revolution to be accomplished in the underdeveloped countries oppressed by imperialism.
Two, in accordance with the political report adopted in the Seventh National Congress of our party, “The contradiction between comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the feudal class directed and conducted by Indian expansionism and the broad Nepalese masses is the principal contradiction” of the Nepalese society. But as opposed to this, the document presented by Biplab writes, “The contradiction between feudalism and Nepalese people that remained in the principal position since long has undergone a change, the first time in history. The contradiction between comprador bourgeois state and the Nepalese people has taken its place.” By way of this formulation he has ruptured from party position on principal contradiction adopted by the Seventh National Congress of our party.
Three, ever since the so-called liberation of India in 1947 the Indian ruling classes have been pursuing the British colonialists’ path of expansion and control all across the South Asian sub-continent. Not only the communist parties but also the entire national liberation movements in this region have characterized this hegemonic act of the Indian ruling classes as Indian expansionism. But Biplab prefers to use different terminology in its place. He writes, “All the political, economic, military, administrative and cultural sectors are under the control of India. None of the sectors is away from Indian will. Although some of the analysts and politicians compare it with Sikkimese, Bhutanese and Fijian version of subjugation, but it is necessary to have a separate analysis other than this. In our sense, it can be termed as Nepalese dimension of Indian intervention.” By saying so, Biplab has made a rupture from the terminology that the communist and the national liberation movements mainly in the Indian sub-continent have been using till date. Why a new terminology in place of well-established one without any sufficient analysis to justify the change in it? Bluntly speaking, it can be a makeshift terminology that stands between Indian expansionism and a friendly neighbour India as the then Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) had during the mid-eighties used the interim terminology, the Indian chauvinism, in place of Indian expansionism.
Four, in the recent years, all of the basic contradictions at the world level have been sharpening. In spite of this, the principal contradiction in the world level has not changed so far. The contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed nations and people is the principal contradiction and revolution is the main trend today. Biplab in his document has not mentioned anything about these questions but has raised these issues in a different way. In his document he writes, “The US-led unipolar world, which was dominant from 1990s to the end of the 20th century, has been destroyed. New imperialist powers have come up. The inter-imperialist contradiction has reached to the level of war.” The last sentence in this quote implies that the inter-imperialist contradiction is principal at present and the world war is the main trend today. This is another rupture that Biplab has made from the hitherto adopted position on the international principal contradiction and the main trend of the world asserted by Mao.
Five, present era is the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution as defined by Lenin. The driving force of this era is the contradiction between the world imperialism at one pole and the international proletariat at the other. In this backdrop, Biplab has proposed his clique’s international line in three categories. He writes, “From the standpoint of international relations our policy should be of 1) building fraternal relation with the communist parties 2) maintaining balanced relation with the communist governments and 3) taking up a policy of struggle and balance with the capitalist countries.” As regards Biplab’s international line, the first one can be assumed to be acceptable although the expression, the communist parties, is vague. The second one is unacceptable; because there is no any genuine communist party as such that holds revolutionary power in any country at present. The third one is completely wrong, because it urges to maintain balance between imperialist powers and the proletariat. What kind of new democratic revolution will Biplab make by having compromise between the proletariat and imperialism, the main enemy of the proletarian revolution? Noteworthy here is that he has deliberately used capitalist countries to mean the imperialist ones. In this way Biplab has made another rupture, a rupture from the Leninist doctrine of imperialism and proletarian revolution.
Six, the imperialism and domestic reaction are two obstacles the communist revolutionaries must remove to accomplish New Democratic Revolution in the semi-feudal and semi/neo-colonial countries. These two reactions are intertwined and so they are inseparable. But, Biplab does not go along with this. On this, his document writes, “It can be understood that the world is reaching towards equilibrium as a result of actions, reactions and the imperialist disputes seen in the events of South Asia and Middle East.” The document again writes, “A possibility is being witnessed that the internal contradiction and strength of the concerned country, not of the external one, can now have decisive role for any revolutionary movement to triumph.” These two quotations clearly reveal how he is deliberately seeking excuses to escape from the struggle against imperialism, the main enemy of this era. In fact, by so doing Biplab has made yet another rupture from the Maoist doctrine of the New Democratic Revolution in which two obstacles, the domestic reaction and imperialism, are to be removed simultaneously.
Seven, armed people’s insurrection and the protracted people’s war have been developed as two paths of proletarian revolution in the international communist movement. The first model was developed in Russia, a capitalist country and the second model was developed in a semi-feudal and semi/neo-colonial country, China. These two models were developed in countries that had qualitatively different socio-economic conditions and the balance of revolutionary strength was different. But Biplab looks at this issue in a different way and does not find difference in their content. On this, his document writes, “The people’s insurrection too can be termed as people’s war. In the final analysis, every revolution is made by the people. It is not wrong to say that a war made by the people is people’s war”. Why does he bring in this generalization which blurs the essential difference between these terminologies and makes people’s grasp loose towards the path of revolution? This is another rupture he has made from the hitherto agreed position on the contents of two models of proletarian revolution.
Eight, it is true no revolution can be a replica of other. But it does not mean that it must necessarily be free from any traces of either model. Rather, the fact is that the path of revolution in a country resembles more with one of these models and so it should be regarded as the base. Then again Biplab differs on this. He writes, “The rule that it must necessarily be linked either with insurrection or people’s war does not apply, when we talk of Nepalese originality”. He further adds, “For this, it should take up a policy of building people’s power from the urban and rural areas with a goal of central power”. How can he build people’s power both in the rural and urban areas simultaneously? One should be principal at a time. In fact, it is eclecticism and ultimately will lead him to build up people’s power nowhere. So it is another rupture from the Leninist and Maoist path of seizing power.
Nine, the state power is a means of dictatorship of one class upon another. There can be no any state power that works for both of the classes, the oppressor and the oppressed. This is the basic concept of Marxism. As opposed to this, Biplab has coined a new word ‘power-sharing’. He argues that Prachanda’s failure lies in his inability to struggle for ‘power-sharing’ with the reactionary parties at the time of peace process. With this concept in mind, they have been propagating that they will raise arms if the reactionary power does not agree for “power-sharing” with them. Why is it to raise arms? It is not to seize the state power but to force the enemy for power-sharing? It is in fact nothing other than a total rupture from the Marxist concept of state power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Ten, till now there have been three kinds of social revolutions in the history of mankind. The first one is the bourgeois democratic revolution led by the bourgeoisie against feudalism, in the pre-capitalist era. The second one is the Socialist Revolution led by the proletariat against bourgeoisie, in the imperialist era. These two kinds of revolutions were accomplished by organising armed people’s insurrection in the cities followed by civil war in the countryside. And third one was the New Democratic Revolution led by the proletariat against feudalism and imperialism. It followed the path of encircling the cities from the countryside. But Biplab argues that none of the two models practiced in the past nor the present military line of our party, people’s insurrection upon the foundation of people’s war, is applicable in Nepal. He has coined a new model which is termed as “The theory of unified revolution”. In the document he writes, “The line of unified revolution is the unique line of Nepalese revolution. It relates to Nepalese uniqueness and particularity. The uniqueness does not necessarily mean to represent a particular theory but it means a new theory and line developed from both of them. The rule that it necessarily should link up with either insurrection or people’s war does not apply here. Rather it is different from these two models and contains the Nepalese originality and the universal characteristics of both. Its essence is newer than theirs”. But the document is silent on how this new line will be applied in revolutionary practice in Nepal. Biplab has directed a target in the vacuum. Thus, it is a rupture from the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist base and hence it is merely an imagination of building a castle in the air.
The points placed before in brief give a preliminary idea where the two-line struggle in our party was focused on the ideological and political arena. These are the basic ideological and political questions not in respect of the New Democratic Revolution in Nepal only but the world proletarian revolution as well. He claims all this is a development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. But, how can he develop MLM when he does not base on and makes no defence of MLM itself?
In fact, in the pretext of its development, he has been drowned in the quagmire of empiricism by rupturing from the fundamental tenets of MLM. Finally, the fifth plenum from which Biplab and his admirers fled away has adopted a document entitled: Special Political Report. After the thorough analysis of the anarchism and two-line struggle erupted in the party the plenum has synthesised the trend deep-rooted in Biplab. On this, the plenum document writes, “Thus, these activities are based: organisationally on anarchist individualism, philosophically on negative dialectics and empiricism and politically on the regressive strategy of power-sharing. In the dissenting document of Biplab, the military line which has been presented as a theory of unified revolution by negating people’s war, people’s insurrection and people’s insurrection upon the base of people’s war is very much unclear, confusing, contentless and mysterious. Also, in his document there is a soft attitude towards the Indian expansionism and so has lagged behind on the question of national independence. In conclusion, the main trend manifested in his activities and dissenting opinion is right opportunism in essence and left in form.”
MADURAI: Acting on an alert from their Kerala counterparts over the alleged infiltration of 15 unidentified persons into the state, the Tamil Nadu police involving teams from the Q Branch, Special Task Force and Armed Reserve teams were completely combing the forest areas in Theni bordering Kerala. Ten days back there was a exchange of fire between the police and suspected Maoists in the Waynad forests in Kerala and the Naxal group members, including three women, were suspected to have escaped.
Under these circumstances, the Kerala forest department suspected that a group of 15 people could have sneaked into Tamil Nadu and alerted the state police here. TN police said that around five teams with members drafted from the special units were conducting an intensive check in the forest regions, mainly in in Kambam Mettu forest, Egaloothu Road, Kalludaichan Paarai and Suranganaru Falls, in Theni district bordering Kerala. Sources said that the teams were also conducting enquiries in the hamlets along the Kerala border to find out if the residents spotted any strangers in their area.
The TN forest officials have also initiated a separate search operation. Police said that so far they have not found any suspicious persons in the forest limits.
Checks in D’puri
Meanwhile, a special team with personnel drawn from the police, Naxal Special Duty (NSD) and forest officials have started combing the Morappur forest range on Friday after reports over movement of strangers surfaced a few days ago. It is said that a few days back, a farmer spotted a group of eight persons, including two women, cooking food at H Agraharam village in the Morappur forest range in the H Agraharam village. On seeing the farmer, the group allegedly vanished from the spot.
Based on the information from the farmer, a police team rushed the spot and recovered vegetables and sarees, which were reportedly used by the group. Subsequently, the police launched a combing operation in the region. As the NSD is also involved in the combing operation, it is suspected that the group members could be part of a Naxal movement. Moreover, a villager said, “a few days ago there was a deafening sound from the Pennagarm forest range. Initially it was suspected that the sound could have been a chopper crash, but after a two days search, the police declared that no chopper had crashed in the forest.
However, they could not find out the exact reason for the sound. Meanwhile, some villagers saw a group cooking food in the forests range. So, locals suspect the movement of an armed group undergoing training in the forests in Dharmapuri.” When enquired Intelligence sources said, “We doubt that the noise from the Pennagaram forest range might could have been due to testing of weapons.”
Maoists kill villager in Odisha’s Malkangiri district
In yet another incident of Maoist violence, the red rebels killed a villager in Chitrali village under Kalimela police station limits in Odisha’s Malkangiri district late on Friday night. Family members of the deceased said about 4-5 armed Maoists arrived at the village late in the night, dragged Biswas out of the house and later killed him by slitting his throat open on the outskirts of the village.
The villagers found the body of Biswas this morning with a Maoist poster in which the ultras have stated that they killed him for being a police informer. Police have rushed to the spot for an on-the-spot investigation.
Security forces apprehend two key Maoist militia members in Odisha
Report by Kishore Dash, Malkangiri: Two active militia member of CPI (Maoist) have been arrested in a joint operation by the Border Security Forces and local police from Pithakonda forest area under Kalimela police limits, claimed Superintendent of Police Mitrabhanu Mahapatra in a press meet held at the District Police Office here today. The duos who have been identified as Budra Podiami alias Budra and Irma Kawasi alias Irma were nabbed in the wee hours today, the S.P told while producing them before the media.
They were joined the outlawed Maoist organization in 2003, Mahapatra told. Both the militia members were earlier apprehended by Kalimela police in 2009 on the charges of attempt to murder SPO Basudev Khillo.Even after their release from the jail, they were also involved in the killing of Bhima Kawasi of Pithakonda village in 2011. The arrest of the two wanted militia members will have a big impact on the prevailing LWE scenario in the region, claimed S.P Mitrabhanu Mahapatra adding their involvement in other offences are being investigated. IPS SDPO M.Sandeep Sampad was also present in the press meet.
The communist movement in Morocco, undergoes, for several decades, the blows of reaction The Moroccan State carries out either abductions, night of murders or imprisonment repetitively, almost daily militants of revolutionary left who are fighting for the popular democratic revolution. It is in this context for the arrest of a group of fellow Marxists -Leninist -Maoists – comrades who now constitute a real danger against the reactionary class in power.
By the struggles that they are involved with the masses, with the masses students and with all Proletarians. This danger to the power also comes from the fact that these comrades defend and apply the ideology of the proletariat developed at its highest level: Namely, Marxism -Leninism -Maoism. Some of these fellow inmates ( 4 of the 6 still in detention ) commence regular hunger strikes as a weapon inside the prisons, to turn these into a bastion of fighting against the reaction. These strikes are mainly conducted to denounce the conditions of detention of comrades and to secure their rights violated. Who are these comrades?
Aziz Elkhalfaoui was arrested on 04.09.2014. his case is still in progress: No sentence was pronounced against to this day. This is a pure political trial. This comrade was the head of the mass movement of the 20 february and the masses of student Marrakech. This is a an authentic communist and has been one of the leaders of the student movement Moroccan Marxist – Leninist – Maoism He leads a hunger strike since 03.12.2014 in the prison in Marrakech.
Rédouane el Aadimi was arrested too on 04.09.2014. his case is still in progress: No sentence was pronounced and is one of the activists of the trend students of the democratic path basiste maoist of Marrakech. He has actively participated in the reconstruction of this trend ideological, political, and organizational. That this person have received a blow in the year 2008. these two comrades are waging a Hunger strike for several reasons:
* to lift the isolation in which they find themselves.
* to restore the right to visit their families.
* for the acceleration of their trial.
* to wrest the authorization to pursue their studies.
* so that they can benefit from the library of the prison.
* to denounce daily harassment of prison guards.
* to denounce the ban their is made for the use of phones in the prison In order to be able to communicate with their families.
The health of these comrades is worsening day by day. Comrade Elkhalfaoui was taken last monday in a hospital, outside of the prison, While he was in a coma. It is suffering, in addition, acute pain in the stomach – accompanied by diarrhoea and blood loss. In addition, it is no longer able to speak or to move. Finally, it should be noted that the comrade has asthma. Rédouane el Aadimi, too, began a hunger strike since 03.12.2014., he Suffers from acute pain in the head and can no longer either move or speak . finally, it should be noted that these two mates are threatened to be thrown into isolation.
They are toiling in their hunger strike. After several days of hunger strike, two other comrades imprisoned in the prison of Tiznit, South of Morocco, have joined them in this hunger strike:
Aziz Elbour is one of them. This comrade has – as for him – was arrested on 15.02.2014 and sentenced to 3 Years imprisonment. He was also activist in the trend student democratic path basiste maoist of Marrakech. He began a hunger strike open since the 10.12.2014 in solidarity with his comrades of Marrakech and also to claim his right to continue his studies. This comrade had already begun with his comrades Emouden, Elmskini, Talhaoui, several hunger strikes: One in solidarity with Georges Ibrahim Abdallah ; another in solidarity with the uprising of the people in Turkey last year ; another still in solidarity with the people’s movement and the political prisoners in Morocco. Because of these hunger strikes repeated, his state of health is becoming catastrophic, and it has already been transferred to the hospital several times.
Mohamed Elmouden was arrested on 15.02.2013 ; he was sentenced to 3 years prison It is one of the leaders of the trend students of democratic path basiste maoist of Marrakech. This is the second time he gets arrested because of his activism. It will start a new hunger strike on friday 19.12.2014 in solidarity with the comrades of Marrakech. He also has already commenced a number of hunger strikes with his group of 10. These comrades will constitute the solid core as a rock of the reactionary regime could not break. These are militants Marxist-Leninist-Maoists.
Their only purpose is to advance the revolutionary process at the highest point in order to solve the contradictions. The difficulty that exists between the alliance révolutionary against the alliance of dominant classes. The activists are among the best communist activists in Morocco. This is why it is the duty of each and all of the support by all means. Solidarity is our weapon. It should be used
Long live proletarian solidarity!
Long live the international and Moroccan revolution !
Fourteen years ago today Turkish military and police carried out “Operation Return to Life” to impose the F-type isolation regime against revolutionary prisoners on hunger strike. Thirty were killed
Carry the Death-fast Resistance to Victory!-December 2000
Call by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Turkey (Marxist-Leninist)
The process we are now in clearly shows that the crisis of the comprador bourgeoisie and big landlords is growing deep, both politically and economically. The ruling classes are putting the financial cost for their crisis.onto the backs of the workers, peasants and other oppressed people. The state wants to smash the resistance of the democratic demands of the Kurdish nation and other minorities and to attack the democratic demands of the workers, peasants and students.
The fascist Turkish state also attacked the communists and revolutionaries who are between the four walls of the prisons, wantingto capture them not only physically but also ideologically and politically. There are more bloody attacks on the political prisoners now than ever in the past. For this reason they have put forward the “F- type” prisons.
As a result of this policy of the fascist Turkish state, in the-prisons the TKP(ML), DHKPC and TKIP political prisoners have put their bodies into the death-fast and have started a glorious resistance. Their belief in revolution is leading their spirit of resistance, and our Party, the TKP(ML), is certain that the communist and revolutionary prisoners will win. The political prisoners, who are freedom’s sun in the prisons, quickly mobilised their families. Revolutionary resistance against the state has had a big impact on the oppressed masses in a very short time, and has brought people into the streets to protest and fight against the state in cities across Turkey.
The Turkish state has tried different manoeuvres in an unsuccessful attempt to pacify.the masses, but the oppressed masses, communists and. revolutionaries have been writing history with their blood. Our Party, the TKP(ML), has saluted the communists and revolutionaries’ resistance with practical actions. In Karadeniz (Black Sea area), in Dersim (Kurdistan), in Marmara (Istanbul area), and abroad the Party has mobilized all its supporters and other masses in order to unite with the straggle of. the communist and revolutionary prisoners, and the Party has played a crucial. role in this struggle everywhere.
In every corner of the world, waves of revolution are developing and rising. This new wave is scaring the imperialists and the reactionary ruling class. This struggle in Turkey is part of this new wave. With the support of imperialism, in September 1992, Chairman Gonzalo (leader of the Communist Party of Peru) was captured by Peru’s Fujimori regime. But imperialism and reaction couldn’t stop the People’s War in Peru. As Gonzalo himself said on 24 September 1992 in his speech from the cage, this is just a “bend in the road” of the People’s War.
Just as the Fujimori regime in Peru has isolated Chairman Gonzalo, the fascist Turkish state wants to isolate the communist and revolutionary political prisoners in Turkey. As Maoists the task today is to fight against collaboration and capitulation wherever we are, in the process ofbuilding people’s democracy, socialism and communism, and smashing imperialism and the reactionary ruling class.
Long Live the Death-fast Resistance!
Long Live People’s War!
Glory to Our Party TKP(ML), Our Army TIKKO and Our Youth Organisation TMLGB