Action Committee in Support of the Struggle of the Moroccan People issues May 26th statement


On May 26th the Comité d’action et de soutien aux luttes du peuple Marocain issued a press release on the worker’s and popular struggle in the country and the repressive measures of the reactionary state.

The statement observed that the reactionary Moroccan state faces a escalating crisis and that despite extreme repression resistance is advancing against its anti-popular and anti-national policies.
Struggles are advancing in all sectors of society including:
-the heroic and victorious nineteen day strike of the miners of Jbel Awam for the rehiring of fired workers and equality between between permanent and temporary employees.
-Many strikes of steel workers.
-The protracted teacher’s strike over many months.
-and regular mass demonstrations even in small towns and remote regions are held for the right to healthcare and education, against the high cost of living and so on.


In order to deal with this upsurge of popular resistance the state resorts to repression of public assemblies, arrests, torture and murder.

Any form of dissent is immediately repressed even if it is expressed in a peaceful way. The latest example being the May 15th demonstration in Casablanca harshly repressed by the henchmen of the regime.

This is the context for the most recent arrests of students in Marrakech and Meknès. In Marrakech 13 students were detained after a demonstration. These students are, Myriam AAMANI, Lahcen ELAMRANI, Nabil ELKAFIFI, M’Barek LTALIBIA, Mounaatifi CHADI, Mohamed BOUKHLIKI, Mohamed EL HARAOUI,Fouad ATOUNI, Badr AZAHRAOUI, Abdel Mounim ELISMAÏLI, Abdel Mounim MAJI, Hassan RAJI et Hamid HAMZA.

In Meknès nine students have been arrested only five of whom have been identified at this time. Their names are: Hamza HAMDI, Rédouane ALAMI, Ikram BOURHIM, Mohamed KASSIMI and Yassin REHAL.


The statement concludes by noting that the political prisoners Mohamed JANATI and Mohamed KARKACHI have been on hunger strike for the past 35 days, demanding basic rights such as visitation, study and health care.

It goes on to note that the heroic struggle of the Moroccan people faces a media blackout and it is our duty internationally to organize solidarity with the heroic fighters advancing these movements.

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HBDH: 4 special operations forces killed in Dersim


Peoples’ United Revolution Movement (HBDH) Joint Command announced that 4 special operations forces were killed during an action in Dersim’s Ovacık district.

In its statement, the HBDH stated that its guerillas carried out an action against special operations units near the Kalik Kuşağı region of Dersim’s Ovacık district around 14:00 on May 26, and 4 soldiers died during this action.

HBDH noted that the Turkish military retrieved the bodies of these 4 soldiers with Skorsky-type helicopters 45 minutes after the action, and said that its guerillas carried out the action in memory of Sinan and Rıza comrades that fell as martyrs on May 6.

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People’s War in India Clippings 27/5/2016


Two women naxals in the custody of cops

Visakhapatnam: In yet another blow to Maoists, the police have allegedly arrested two key women members. Sources said deputy commander of Jana Natya Mandali (JNM), a cultural wing of Maoists, M Kalavathi alias Bhavani alias Santakka of Anantapuram district, and Galikonda Area Committee member K Lakshmi of GK Veedhi mandal, were taken into custody. Both the Maoists are being interrogated by the Visakha rural cops. Sources said both the women were undergoing treatment at a hideout in Chitrakonda area of Malkangiri district, close to Visakha district borders, at the time of the arrest. However, other sources said both the naxals surrendered at Malkangiri and were brought to Visakhapatnam.

“Arrests or surrenders of naxals are revealed two weeks after their arrest. This is because, several agencies involved in anti-naxal operations would interrogate them to get inputs of the underground party. Hence the two naxal would be presented before the media after a week or so,” a senior police officer said. The surrender of ACM Jhansi alias Russo and arrest of ACM Vantala Checchu alias Vasanta were also shown a couple of weeks after they were taken into custody by cops, sources said.

According to sources, around 60-year-old Bhavani has been with the Maoists of East Division for two decades.She is very familiar in the rank and file of the naxals and militia network. She has been suffering from ailments and was working in cut off area in Malkangiri district of Odisha. She had escaped from around 15 encounters or exchange of fire incidents.

Lakshmi alias Sarita has been in the naxal squads for the past one decade. She is the wife of Galikonda Area Committee secretary Gopal alias Azad who was killed in the Marripakalu encounter in the first week of May. She was actively involved in many agitations including the anti-bauxite agitations.

Killing of Women Naxals: Maoists call Gadchiroli bandh on May 31

The five women Naxals killed in different encounters are Rajita Usendi, Minko Naroti, Aarti Pudo, Nirmala Dumma and Sarita Kowasi.

Maoists have called a bandh in Gadchiroli on May 31 to protest against the killing of five of their women members in various encounters since January. Police sources said a woman Naxal killed in an encounter on May 9 had been given a chance to surrender but she refused. Terming the killings “ruthless”, Srinavasan, spokesperson for the western sub-zonal bureau of Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee, said in a press note “hired assassins” of the “Hindu, fascist, Brahminical” Modi government had shown “medieval cruelty” to kill the “daredevil revolutionary” women cadres, and called a bandh on May 31.

The five women Naxals killed in different encounters are Rajita Usendi, Minko Naroti, Aarti Pudo, Nirmala Dumma and Sarita Kowasi. “Rajita, member of the divisional committee of CPI (Maoist), had come to Hurrekasa village in Dhanora tehsil along with a colleague after separating from her dalam following an exchange of fire with the police near Mahawada village on May 4. Through their informers, the police came to know of her stay in Hurrekasa. So they came to the village, locked the house where she was staying in but brave Rajita fought on till the last bullet in her AK-47 rifle,” said Srinavasan, adding, “The C-60 commandos then brutally bombed the house and charred Rajita to death.”

Srinavasan also paid glowing tributes to the “fight” put up by the other “women martyrs”. A man identifying himself as Waghuram Usendi and brother of Rajita told The Indian Express, “The police burnt my sister to death when they could kill her with a bullet. Is it the proper way to do this?”

Superintendent of Police Sandip Patil said, “We have explained it all earlier too. Our men who reached the village on the night of May 9 tried to get her to surrender by sending the villages’ police patil to the house owned by Yamunabai Parse, where she was holed up. She, however, refused to accept the offer. This went on for more than three hours.

We could not have stormed the house to catch her alive as she was also firing from her AK-47 rifle. So, finally, our men used the under-barrel gun launcher to lob a shell at the house to kill her.” “The SDM probe into the incident is on and the truth will prevail,” added Patil.

Balaghat cops cordon off forest to smoke out Naxalites

BHOPAL : The Balaghat police surrounded an area late on Tuesday evening suspecting presence of Naxalites near Korka Bundri village, under Malajkhand police station area, and recovered various belongings of the Naxalaits from their hideout.

IG, Naxal operation, DC Sagar informed Free Press that on Tuesday police raided the Korka-Bundri village area. The police got tip-off that the Naxalaits were trying to establish a monsoon camp in the area to train members of the group. When police raided the spot they escaped in the dense jungle leaving behind their belongings.

The cops have seized the cartridges of Insas, AK-47 rifles and 12-bore gun kept in a bag, along with photographs and belongings of the children.
He added that in a photograph a boy is wearing school uniform, with a badge having the address of Bijapur, Chhattisgarh. He suspected that the Naxalaits may have kidnapped the students and forcing them to involve in the Naxalite activities. Police have sent the details to the Chhattisgarh police for further action. The police laying a siege in the area suspect that around 30 Naxalites including women and children are hiding in the jungle.

Villagers unite against Maoists in Khunti

RANCHI: A large number of villagers, mostly tribals, gathered in Arki block of Khunti district on Thursday to unite against Maoists who often seek shelter in the villages and use them in gathering information against police. The meeting called ‘Shanti Samiti Baithak’ a part of the government’s civil defence programme, held at Korba village under Arki police station was backed by the district police. Some of the villagers were armed with traditional weapons but the police asked them not to use violence in their struggle to resist the left-wing extremists. Khunti is a Maoist-hit district.

Khunti SP Anish Gupta said that one person who has links with Maoists has surrendered in the meeting. His decision to surrender was hailed by the villagers who motivate people with links to the Maoists to give up all the links and lead a normal mainstream life. “The support of the public works as a great source of motivation for the people who back the Maoists,” he said.
In the last couple of months, SP said, five such meetings have been held in the district. “The meetings are voluntarily organized by the villagers. The police participate in the meeting as a third party and not as the organizer. The people have identified the fallacies in Maoist ideologies and rejected it,” he said. A source said the villagers want to take the village back into the age when there was no extremism in the village…

Explosives seized from Maoist-affected Jharkhand district

Large quantities of explosives, hand grenades and live cartridges were recovered on Friday during a search operation in Maoist-affected Latehar district of Jharkhand, a police official said. “In a joint operation of the state police and para-military forces, 250 hand grenades, 183 live cartridges, 300 gelatin sticks, other explosives and 577 pieces of iron pipes were recovered from Dori Pundara jungle of Latehar,” the police official told IANS.

Since January this year, the state police have been carrying out search operations in the Maoist-affected districts with the support of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). The search operations have so far yielded eight police weapons that were snatched by the Maoists, five regular weapons, 99 country-made weapons, 1,721 detonators, 95 landmines, and 2,200 kg explosives.


Maoists use teens against BJP in Madhya Pradesh

Gun-toting teenagers are being used by Maoists to carry out a massive pamphlet campaign against the Modi government across Madhya Pradesh, the police said citing a related seizure during a recent raid. But, what’s catching eyes is the political timing the Maoists have chosen to go about it— when the NDA government is celebrating completion of two years in office with a series of programmes nationwide. All this came to light when the police seized pamphlets, pictures of children, spotted many teenagers, including girls in Maoist fatigues during a 30-minute exchange of fire in Bijakhoh jungles on May 24, said Balaghat superintendent of police Gaurav Tiwari. Children’s notebooks suggested that the teenagers hailed from Chhattisgarh.

All these teenagers are between 14 and 19 years. The red pamphlets tear right into Modi government’s flagship schemes, including Digital India, Make in India, Smart City and Swachch Bharat Abhiyan. They are being distributed in villages in dense forests on the hillocks of Madhya Pradesh’s Balaghat district by cadres of the banned CPI (Maoists), police said. Some pamphlets are even aimed at polarizing the haves and the have-nots to turn the latter against the BJP-led governments in the adjoining states. Police officials said Maoists’ young army was also propagating the red ideology through pamphlets in Murum, Batranga, Dulhapur, Madi, Rasimeta, Bhagwandeeh and Jagla under the supervision of the most wanted Maoist leader, Kumar Sahay,’ who carries a Rs 50 lakh award on his head in three bordering states.

The spot scene

Three waterproof tents, several ground sheets, over 150 kg food grain, vegetables, fruits, besides remnants of lunch being prepared by the Maoists showed the Chhattisgarh children were not only being used in the political pamphlet war but also being trained like armymen for a future ambush.
A sentry post on a tree and adjoining stone bunker too had been built on the tallest Bijakhoh hillock to keep an eye on the police movement in the five kilometre radius. The seizure contained a haul of live cartridges of self-loading rifles (SLRs), AK-47s and INSAS rifles. Gaurav said, “The circumstantial evidence revealed major plans by the Maoists to regroup in Balaghat and plan some big misadventure during the monsoon.”

Commando training

Police sources said the teenagers were being trained in tactical warfare—informer spotting skills, carving safe escape routes, befriending villagers and possible police informers, hand-to-hand combat and strategic ambush techniques to neutralize security forces.Sources said the training was being provided by senior Maoists, like Ashok, who is the secretary of North Gadchiroli Gondia Divisional Committee. Pahad Singh is being assisted in the training by a local trusted aide David and other wanted Maoists, including Naresh who has Rs 30 lakh bounty on his head, Dipak (Rs 10 lakh) and Sampat (Rs 10 lakh), besides senior female Maoist Sangita, police sources said, adding that lure of money from tendu leaf and bamboo trade is regrouping Maoists in Balaghat, which had seen a thin presence of the red brigade after 2012 when a number of prominent leaders were killed in police encounters.

Two villagers killed by Maoists in Chhattisgarh: Police

Two villagers from insurgency-hit Bastar region of Chhattisgarh, were murdered allegedly by Maoists in separate incidents, police said even as 14 Naxals were arrested in Sukma district. While an 18-year-old youth identified as Kandru Patel, was murdered in Kondagaon district, another villager Joga Madvi was killed in Dantewada district, a senior police official.

A native of Balasar village under Kondagaon Police Station, Patel had arrived at Heeramandla village yesterday along with his father and a younger brother to visit a local fair, he said. As per the preliminary information, when he was sleeping alone in the courtyard of the house of a relative in the village, a group of armed naxals stormed the place late in the night, attacked him with sharp weapons and subsequently shot him dead, the official said.

The exact reason behind his killing was not yet known. However, the Maoist pamphlets dropped at the spot claimed that he acting as a police informer, he said. The body of the victim was handed over to the relatives after the postmortem.

In the second incident, Joga’s body was found Thursday morning in the hills adjoining Cholnar village under Kirandul Police Station in Dantewada. He was kidnapped by the rebels from his relative’s house in Cholnar Wednesday night, the official said. The relatives of the victim said in their statement that Joga, a native of Jagargunda region of neigbouring Sukma district, was staying in Cholnar from the last few days, he said. The cause behind his killing was also yet to be ascertained.

Meanwhile, 12 Naxals were apprehended on Thursday from a jungle under Gadiras police station limits. Two Maoists were from Tongpal Police Station limits of the district, Additional Superintendent of Police Santosh Singh said. A joint team of Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the district police force had launched a combing operation in the interior of Gadiras, around 400 km away from here.

While cordoning off Pariya village forest, they nabbed nine suspects, the ASP said. All of them were allegedly involved in damaging a water pipeline of a private steel plant on the intervening night of May 19-20 in Gadiras area, he said. In separate incidents, three other rebels were arrested from Gadiras area and two from Tongpal region, Singh said.


‘First priority is to recoup my health’

After spending eight-and-a-half years in detention at the Central Jail here as an undertrial facing 47 cases, Tambelu Kamala’s first priority is to get treated for her ailments. The 35-year-old Kondh woman, a native of Revulakota of Koyyuru mandal, followed the Maoists at a young age and rose to become area committee member of the Pedabayalu area.

A reward of Rs. 5 lakh was declared on her head by the government at the time of her arrest on December 6, 2007, when she was booked in the first case at Chintapalli Police Station. She was acquitted in the 47{+t}{+h}case on Tuesday by the court of Metropolitan Sessions Judge, which is the designated court of the district for Maoist cases. “I am not well. I have diabetes, low BP, skin allergy, and swelling in the feet. First I have to get treated and I will go back to my parents, who are now living at Karaka near Narsipatnam,” a relieved Kamala told The Hindu at the residence of advocate and civil rights activist N.H. Akbar, who took up her cases.

She hopes there will not be any harassment either from the Maoists or the police. “If I say no (to the party on joining back), they will understand,” Ms. Kamala hoped. With no formal education, she learnt to read and write after joining the party to which she was attracted because of the songs the party members sang. Mr. Akbar explained that in those days, when the police presence and combing were not as widespread or effective, senior leaders of the party used to stay for a week or more in a village and get acquainted with the locals.

Ms. Kamala first worked with the Nagulakonda area committee and then was shifted to the Pedabayalu area committee, which was then led by Ganesh.
She married a divisional committee member Jagan while in the party. She was picked up by the Chintapalli police from her aunt’s house at Porlubanda on December 5, 2007, when she went there to get treated for severe jaundice. Ms. Kamala says that she had been taken to Chintapalli and from there to Narsipatnam, and brought back to Chintapalli where the police put pressure on her to declare that she wanted to surrender. When she did not, she was arrested, produced before the local MRO, and remanded to the Central Jail here. She received treatment only after she was lodged in the jail.

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Badal Prachanda reunion: a new dimension of neo-revisionist polarization


Secretariat Member
CPN (Revolutionary Maoist)


On May 19, 2016, a notable political event occurred in the Communist Movement of Nepal. Under the leadership of Ram Bahadur Thapa ‘Badal’, a group of Central Committee Members of the Communist Party of Nepal (Revolutionary Maoist) merged with the UCPN (Maoist) led by Prachanda. Along with them, the CPN (Maoist) led by Matrika, RCP, Nepal led by Mani Thapa, a splinter group of CPN Maoist led by Tilak Pariyar, some dissidents from New force led by Baburam Bhattarai, a few independent individuals, who were a part of the Maoist Movement of Nepal in the past and two non-communist centres named as United Left Group and Glorious Party Nepal have also joined this process. The party so formed has been named as the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre).

Subsequent to this event, the neo-revisionist leaders and their apologists have propagated that this incident represents a timely unification of the Maoist Movement in Nepal. On the contrary, the Maoist revolutionaries all over the world do not regard this event as the unification of Maoist Movement. But they think that it is one, the desertion of Badal group from the CPN (Revolutionary Maoist) and two, the reunion of Badal group with UCPN (Maoist). In other words, this process involves two things: desertion from the revolutionary camp and polarization into the neo-revisionist one. This article will focus on these two issues and the ideological and political lines involved in it.

Theoretical concept of unity and split

The Communist party is an entity in motion. It is a dialectical unity of two opposites: unity and struggle. The unity is conditional, time-bound and relative, whereas the struggle is absolute. All sorts of ideological trends that exist in the class society get reflected in the communist parties. The struggle between correct and wrong ideological and political lines that goes on incessantly in a communist party is called two-line struggle. It is the life and also motive force of the communist party. A communist party with no two-line struggle ceases to exist. In the communist party, the more positive the transformation through absolute struggle in the party the higher is the level of relative unity in it. Right for this reason, Mao had talked of unity-struggle-transformation and new unity on the new basis.

The transformation does not take place towards only one direction, but towards two directions, right and wrong. New struggle begins when the old basis of unity breaks out and the transformation that follows leads to higher level of unity or disunity (or even split) depending upon its direction and level. The desertion of some leaders from the CPN (Revolutionary Maoist) and their merge with the UCPN (Maoist) is also unity-struggle-transformation and new unity on the new basis. But, this transformation took place, not to the revolutionary direction but to the neo-revisionist one. As a result, it has become a split in the revolutionary camp and unity in the neo-revisionist one.

The unity between revolutionaries is necessary for the success of revolution. It is known to all. On the contrary, sometimes split too is necessary to get rid of the obstacles that obstruct the defence, application and development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and its revolutionary line. Thus, it is not correct to mean that split is always wrong and unity is always correct. They are conditional, time-bound and relative. But the recent split that Badal led is not for revolution but against it. In fact it is to escape from revolution.

Attempts of unity and polarization

Formation of the communist party, polarization among revolutionaries and party unity are necessary conditions to propel the proletarian revolution forward. Ever since the CPN-Maoist was constituted under the leadership of comrade Kiran, our party has been striving to achieve principled unity and polarisation among the Maoist revolutionaries. In this process, in order to push the informal dialogue forward our party had sorted out six minimum theoretical bases aimed at attaining unity with the Maoist groupings almost two years back. They were: one, that the Maoist group adopts MLM as its the guiding principle, two, that it regards new democratic revolution as the present stage of proletarian revolution in Nepal, three, that it upholds violence as the mandatory means of revolution, four, that it stands against parliamentarianism, five, that it accepts democratic centralism as its organisational principle and six, that it is prepared to undergo a thoroughgoing objective review of the past weaknesses and mistakes. Party decided that it can enter into informal discussions targeting for party unity on the basis of these minimum theoretical positions. Along with some other small groups, discussion took place with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified) led by comrade Pari Thapa.

The second CA, in which the UCPN (Maoist) was one of the main architects in drafting the constitution, brought out a reactionary constitution. Obviously any kind of unity talk informal or formal could not take place with those political forces that do not consider the constitution as reactionary. In this situation, in addition to the aforesaid six theoretical bases required to take the agenda in hand, party brought out a new basis in which it said that the party in question should at least appraise the new constitution and state power it has restructured as reactionary. Thus, the theoretical bases to initiate informal talks for party unity numbered seven.

Eruption of two-line struggle in the party

Two-line struggle incessantly goes on in a communist party. But, it is not of the same intensity all the time; it is sometimes like ebb and sometimes like flow. In general, the two-line struggle is sharp during the period of party congress and conference in which debates are centred on the ideological and political line questions. But this time, the two-line struggle erupted in our party in a different context. Mainly three questions were posed as the basis of two-line struggle. First, split from the UCPN (Maoist) could not be justified, second, given the recurrent splits Maoist movement has been weak so unity with the UCPN (Maoist) has become urgent for the victory of revolution in Nepal and, third, our party should seek out a meeting point in the ideological and political line to attain unity with the UCPN (Maoist).

Not only this, a number of responsible central committee leaders of the party started factionalism, showed apathy towards implementing party plan, did not cooperate the leadership and maintained relation with UCPN (Maoist) in an unusual way. And, on the other, they inflicted pressure upon the leadership to go for unconditional unity with the UCPN (Maoist). In this uncommon situation, party decided to organise its CC meeting to identify the theoretical bases of unity among the Maoist groupings and requested comrade chairman to prepare its draft.

Soon after the discussion on the document, the theoretical basis for party unity drafted by comrade Kiran, started in the main team of the leadership, serious differences unfolded. Badal placed his dissension that new democracy should be replaced by other political programme in the document presented by Kiran, because the UCPN (Maoist) will not agree to unite with us till we stick at this terminology. By so saying, he stood against the political programme adopted by party in the Seventh National Congress. The two-line struggle sharpened further after Badal said that he would prepare a separate document in case chairman does not agree to change the political programme signified by that term. Badal prepared his document, but chairman too did not agree with that. Badal decided to come up with a separate document to place in the CC. In this manner, along with the dissenting document from Badal, the CC meeting had two different documents to discuss and take position on them. In the meantime, the UCPN (Maoist) forwarded a 3-point short note to our party as their basis of unity to which Badal faction hailed that it was close to party position. But in fact it was sneaky, ambiguous and eclectic.

The Central Advisory Committee meeting was by this time called on to provide suggestions to the Central Committee. In the meantime, two documents were already prepared. The documents that were written for the CC meeting were placed before the Advisory Committee meeting to collect suggestions. Extensive discussion took place over them. A huge majority of the Central Advisory Committee advised that the document presented by comrade chairman was correct, though it needed enrichment. Not only that, they even opined that the document presented by Badal was politically wrong and favoured factionalism, so it was worthy of withdrawal.

The Central Committee meeting began on March 25, 2016. In contrast to everyone’s assumption, Badal said that his document was not his dissension against but suggestion for and complimentary to chairman’s document. But, he also called on the CC members to comment on his suggestion. The debate on the theoretical questions could not be as sharp as needed rather centred more on the sentimental issues in the CC meeting. Anyway, the CC members carried on their deliberation centring on the issues raised by two documents. In addition to this, the CC members were provided with a note on party unity, the UCPN (Maoist) had sent to our party. The CC debate was hot and it continued for ten days. However, the whole thrust of the debate was: one, the leaders must work hard to forge strong internal unity, which is principal, two, they should come up with a single document, and three, the party should strive for external unity but it must be principled. In view of these suggestions, comrade Chairman in consultation with Badal adjourned the CC meeting for a month to find ways if the two-line struggle could be transformed into a higher level of unity on the new basis.

Rise in schismatic activities

Based on the suggestions provided by CC meeting, comrade Chairman prepared an 11-point theoretical basis that put forward the basic ideological and political questions needed to forge party unity among the Maoist forces. No sooner had Badal got to read it than he disappeared from the scene with a copy in hand. With no comment on it and without any notice to chairman, he prepared a 14-point basis of unity of his own and handed over it to the chairman. Also he explained that the 14-point basis of unity he put forward was brought in to replace his main document placed before the CC. Then he circulated it to the CC members to put sign on it. On the one hand, he collected signature from some of the CCMs and on the other, held schismatic gatherings in which he asked them to create pressure for unity with UCPN (Maoist) under the leadership of comrade Kiran. In the name of unity, Badal is prepared for unconditional merger, which can clearly be seen in his CC meeting document entitled ‘New theoretical, political and organisational bases of party unity and victory‘. Badal writes, “It seems to be realistic to get the entire revolutionaries united honestly and responsibly as soon as possible by jointly preparing new theoretical, political and organisational bases”.

Badal’s schismatic activities did not stop right here. With no notice to chairman, he met Prachanda to sort out plan on how the whole party can be brought into unconditional unity. In addition to this, even the standing committee decision of the UCPN (Maoist) to offer second chairman to Badal, the third in their party chain of command, has been publicised. All this that he did was to create pressure for unconditional unity upon the revolutionaries. He held several meetings with other small groups and individuals with whom he prepared an outer ring to encircle the revolutionaries mainly comrade Kiran. All that he did was in the name of broader Maoist unity and victory of revolution in Nepal.

In spite of all this anti-party schismatic activities on the part of Badal, comrade Chairman lost no patience to handle the antagonistically developing two-line struggle in a comradely manner. But what Badal did in the meantime did not help it happen rather deteriorated the situation further. In this situation, chairman had two options: one, call on the adjourned CC meeting to face the unwanted consequences including split or two, postpone the meeting again and try to find ways to maintain party unity. He chose the second option and postponed the meeting again for a month and said that it can be brought earlier if necessary. After chairman issued a circular about it, one, Badal demanded in writing not to postpone the meeting again, two, he called on the CC meeting for May 10, 2016, three, he said that he was ready to withdraw the 14-point basis of unity and signature put on it and four, take in its place the 11-point basis prepared by comrade Chairman to approve from the CC. Taking Badal’s approach as positive and in consultation with him, Chairman called on the CC meeting to be convened on May 14, 2016.

However, the situation changed dramatically when Badal faction held their meeting on May 10, 2016. They decided to discuss with comrade Kiran as their last attempt. Badal and Gurung met comrade Chairman and handed over a 12-point note entitled ‘The points of common consensus for party unity’ with no signature on it. They added that the note, which is based on 11-point basis of unity you have prepared, was jointly adopted by the political task force made up of Prachanda, Narayan Kaji, Badal and Gurung and so it is now you to decide whether or not you join the process of unity based on this note. If you agree we will jointly decide to unite with UCPNM from the upcoming CC meeting, if not we will do in our own. It was in fact a declaration of party split before the Chairman.

The 12-point note, which was prepared on the neo-revisionist ideological and political footing, was not possible to become basis of unity with UCPN (Maoist). Obviously, chairman replied in no. Badal held their faction meeting on May 14, 2016, declared him chairman of their faction and decided to join the UCPN (Maoist). On the much awaited date, May 19, 2016, the Maoist groupings including Badal faction got mergeded into the UCPN (Maoist). In order to bring the Maoist movement to an end from Nepal, Prachanda, in the best interest of imperialist and expansionist forces, has become a key player in this phenomenon and Badal has acted as his confidant to help penetrate the neo-revisionist agenda into our Party and ultimately split it.

Atypical two-line struggle

Rarely, in the history of the world communist movement had the two-line struggle centred on whether to finalise the ideological and political question first and then go for organisational unity or finalise the unity first and then settle the ideological and political questions latter. In appearance it happened in our party now. The revolutionaries under the leadership of Kiran were essentially for the former whereas Badal faction seemed for the latter in form. But, in essence the debate was centred on whether to unite on the basis of MLM or on the basis of neo-revisionism. Badal faction did not want this struggle to centre on the fundamental ideological and political questions. He switched on his struggle from his dissension to new democracy, but agreed to drop it in case comrade Kiran was ready for unconditional unity with UCPN (Maoist). So, he placed the question of unity at the forefront. Right for this reason, the document that Badal had presented as dissension in the advisory committee meeting changed into suggestion in the CC meeting, his 14-point basis of unity negated that suggestion and ultimately the 12-point basis of unity prepared by Prachanda and Badal diluted that to neo-revisionism. It was nothing other than the result of Badal’s ideological unity with the neo-revisionists. This very ideological unity has made his faction’s organisational unity possible with the neo-revisionists. The document he presented has shed light on this reality.

Ideological aspect of Badal’s document

Badal has in his document attempted to review the past experiences of the international communist movement. He has expressed his opinion on the ideological and political reasons behind the counter-revolutions in the socialist and new democratic countries in the 20th century. In this respect, he writes, “The dogmatism/deviation emerged in the socialist/new democratic line, consequence: dissolution of both of the people’s powers”. In his opinion, the dogmatism on the part of revolutionaries is the reason behind counter-revolution. To put concretely, those who are responsible for counter-revolution in the countries including Russia and China are not right revisionists but the revolutionaries.

If this conclusion were true, the main actors of counter-revolution are not the revisionist leaders like Bernstein and Kautsky to Khrushchev and Ch’en Tu-hsiu and Liu Shaochi to Teng Hsiao Ping, but the international proletarian leaders like Lenin, Stalin and Mao, who developed the revolutionary lines, challenged imperialist, accomplished revolutions, practiced new democracy and socialism and developed them further. Besides, it is not the right revisionism of Manmohan, Raymajhi, Tulshilal, Madan Bhandari and Prachanda that is responsible for the failure of revolution in Nepal but it is the dogmatism of the entire revolutionary leaders and mainly comrade Kiran, who is responsible for it. Is this the reality? No, it is the right revisionism that is responsible to counter-revolution in Nepal and all over the world as well.

Again, his document writes that the reason of counter-revolution is deviation along with dogmatism. But what kind of deviation was that? He has nowhere mentioned about when and how it had appeared and who was involved in it. Without touching the right revisionists, he has attacked upon the revolutionaries. It is the manifestation of right revisionist deviation.

Political aspect:

Badal has raised serious questions in relation to fundamental aspects of scientific socialism. Like for example, one, “the ‘left’ thinking that attempts to establish and consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat by means of the very old socialist strategy” is another reason of counter-revolution, according to Badal. The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist concept that the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary all through the transitional period from capitalism to communism and it should be consolidated by means of continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat is ‘left’ thinking in his opinion. Not only this, he has also suggested ways to stop counter-revolution. He writes, “The proletarian leadership should be ratified by creative and competitive means, not in mechanical and bureaucratic way.” In this manner, he has not only stood against the dictatorship of the proletariat but has proposed creative political competition and peaceful transition, as a means to ‘strengthen’ proletarian leadership. In fact, it is not new but very stale logic put forward on 1956 by Khrushchev, the father of modern revisionism.

Two, raising the context of counter-revolution in the socialist camp, Badal has also put forward new propositions on the political line of bourgeois democratic and socialist revolutions in the under-developed and developed capitalist countries in turn. He writes, “The socialist/bourgeois democratic revolution is not now possible from the old line. … In the underdeveloped capitalist countries, of which the socio-economic condition is in the transitional phase, the socialist strategy should be incorporated to a certain level into the main strategy of bourgeois democratic revolution. That is, implementing mainly national bourgeois and partly socialist programme, the socialism-oriented national democracy should be established in these countries.” Here, the new democracy in itself is an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution and it is the preparatory stage of socialism. If this is the case, why this programme should be changed? Has the stage of revolution been different in our country? In so saying, there seems no any other reason than tallying with the programme the UCPN (Maoist) had adopted in Hetauda Congress. On the other, the concept of national democracy was first put forward by Khrushchev, in the international arena. The Communist Party of Nepal had adopted this very programme in the Third Congress, under the leadership of Tulshilal.

Three, he has proposed ideological and political line for the future socialist revolutions. He writes, “In the developed capitalist countries, the strategy of national bourgeois revolution should be incorporated to a certain extent under the main strategy of socialism. That is, implementing mainly socialist and partly national bourgeois programme, the National Socialism should be established.” Following the success of socialist revolution in Russia, in an answer to the question – what will be the character of revolution in the under-developed countries of the East – Lenin said it is not me but the comrades of the East who should find answer to this question. Surprisingly, Badal declared that the line of socialist revolution for the imperialist countries is National Socialism. What a strange, Badal seemed genius than Lenin. However, he is silent on where does he differ from National Socialism, the totalitarian movement of Nazi Party, Germany.

Four, on the parliamentary system, he writes, “The parliamentary system is a brokering mechanism of reactionary forces. …the parliamentary system should be adeptly used as an important front of struggle when necessary because the inter-imperialist contradictions are expressed in the parliamentary system.” It gives a sense that the use of parliament should be strategic not merely tactical. It is parliamentarianism.

Five, in order to accomplish socialism-oriented National Democratic Revolution, he has proposed the line of struggle too. He writes, “The whole preparation of revolution should be carried out by intervening upon the existing state/system tactically from the street, parliament and government and the international fronts”. From the standpoint of front of struggle, all of the three, namely street, parliament and government cannot be of equal importance. Of them, always the street is principal, parliament can be used in a tactical sense and the government can be used in the special situation. It is eclecticism to present all of them in an equal footing. In the name of preparation of revolution, it is parliamentarianism to unconditionally use parliament and Millerandism to cyclically participate in the government. It is parliamentarian cyclicalism.

Six, when Badal was presenting his document before the CC meeting, he confidently announced that the Millerandism of the past can be revolutionary Marxism today. In fact, it clearly shows their concept on how they regard the participation in government.

Seven, Badal’s document has not spelled a single word about proletarian internationalism.


Badal has claimed that what he says in his document is the creative application and development of Marxism. But, it is not a new logic. Those, who stressed on creative application and development of MLM more but did not lay emphasis in the past to apply it in practice, ultimately turned revisionists. It was equally true for Khrushchev, Teng Hsiao Ping and Prachanda as well. Now, it is Badal who has joined this queue in the name of creative application and development of Marxism. In this sense, the latest attraction of Badal faction towards the UCPN (Maoist) is the result of their common position towards revisionism. Therefore, the recent reunion of Badal and Prachanda in the name of party unity is a new dimension of the neo-revisionist polarisation in Nepal.

May 25, 2016

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May 21, Almata: Mass Arrests at a Rally against the Sale of Land


During a peaceful rally in Almata, on May 21, illegal arrests and attempts to arrest various social activists as they were exiting their homes were observed. Journalists were also being detained at their workplace. The events showed that all of our expectations were met, but this time the authorities had surpassed themselves.

Thanks to the incoming information from various activists, it became known that the environmental activist, Andrey Buzykin, from the movement Zaschhitim Kok-Jaylau (Let’s Defend Kok-Jaylau) also responsible for defending Almata, was taken to the city’s drug dispensary, even though he does not consume alcoholic drinks. A police cruiser was stationed since early morning under the windows of his comrade’s, Abay Erekenov’s, apartment, for which reason the latter was not able to leave his home. This has already become a favourite and proven tactic when it comes to arresting activists. Al’kena Kenjebayeva, a journalist from the newspaper Tribuna of KNPK (Communist People’s Party of Kazakhstan), was held at the district’s Department of Interior for more than 4 hours instead of three as per regulations?


Our comrade, a socialist activist of Almata’s Association of Trade Unions ‘Odak’ and freelance journalist for the newspaper Tribuna, Aleksey Nigay, was even arrested at a bus stop upon leaving his home at around 10:40 am. Moreover, initially he was planning to first meet with a friend, and then with a journalist of one of the newspapers. Other journalists were also subjected to arrest. There has not been anything similar in the entire history of capitalist Kazakhstan!

Moreover, during his arrest, the two police officers did not show any documents; only one of the two verbally introduced himself, the other one needed to be asked for his name and last name. Their names are Maksat Shakyrbayev, and the second one, who was tried to take away the cell phone by force, was Tulegen Shakirov, the license plate of the car (brand: Shans) is kz380KP02.


After having inspected the ID card, the cops invited Alexey into their car in order to determine some who-knows-which circumstances, something they had no right to do even under a strengthened regime. They did not succeed in explaining anything clearly, taking Alexey’s cell phone was an even greater infraction; finally, Tulegen Shakirov, was threatening all the while with a bogus charge of resisting the police. During the attempt to take away the cell phone by force, a button on the [victim’s] jacket broke off; having overdone, he will have to take responsibility for abuse of authority.


After being arrested, Alexey was not allowed to call his comrades. But as it appeared to be later, many activists’ phones had been disconnected from the mobile network, just like as we had warned.

Our comrade was held at the Jetysuyskiy District Department of the Interior for just over an hour, since the authorities could not find a reason for further detainment. During his talk with the assistant prosecutor of Jetysuyskiy District, Baurjan Lesbayev, who started explaining, why he was taken under arrest, something that the two patrolling police officers did not do. The reason given was that he was planning to take part in an illegal land-related rally.


According to [the prosecutor’s] information sources, he posts in social networks, in which he is not registered or had been no later than a few years ago, therefore there had not been any substantial proof. All information is on the level of rumours and, more likely than not, obtained by interception of cell phone conversations, which is forbidden without permission from the prosecutor, therefore the source of these rumours remains a secret. This conversation lasted about 15 minutes, after which the prosecutor left the room. An explanatory note was written up, which had rather the looks of a complaint. Then a few detainees were brought in. From a conversation between our comrade and one of the others, it became known that the latter was taken into custody as he was just walking by the rally.


After 1:00 pm Alexey was finally released, but having exited into the yard of the District Department of the Interior, he saw more than 60 persons, that were arrested at the Republic square. Only at that moment, he could finally make a call, asking one of the detainees to use their cell phone. All the people were in a good mood, a large part of them had their pictures taken in front of the building. They were filming with their cell phones. No one was scared, and here it must be noted, that this was already a victory, since such authoritarian regimes’ rule is based on fear, claiming that if not for them, there will otherwise be “war”, “instability”, etc.

Another one of our comrades, Timur Kibirov, says that as he stood at the bus stop, an old man approached him asking him where the rally will be held, having been told that it will take place at the new square, he suggested that people will be murdered there, just like it happened before. What the man meant were the events of December 16, 1986, and said, that he would like to see whether the rally will take place at the old square.

At 11 am, people assembled at the building of the central library, hoping to move into the square, but could not. The neighbourhoods and the streets around the so-called “New square” (official name: Square of the Republic) were blockaded by police with a radius of around one kilometer. For more than 3 hours they closed down the streets from Abay until Gandi and from Furmanov until Dzerjinskiy (known today as Nauryzbay batyra).

Many public and touristic busses stood at and next to the square, as well as special police vehicles, into which the Fast Reaction Special Unit (SOBR) and the police carried those, who had come to demonstrate. Almost no one was allowed to go into the neigbourhoods surrounding the square, even those, who clearly had nothing to do with the demonstration, possibly the residents of these neigbourhoods. Public transportation was stopped on Furmanov, from Kurmangazy until Satpayev. Traffic jams arose at the square on Satpayev, pedestrians had problems crossing at intersections.

Kibirov also saw two special commandos chasing a guy that successfully ran away down onto the Mir street (Jeltoksan). Someone’s running shoe was lying on Abay Furmanov street, next to the sidewalk. On Facebook, there is also a video of someone being chased. Apart from that, Kibirov succeeded in walking to the square from Mira through an apartment complex’s yard (in the depths of the yard two police officers were relaxing on a bench), there was almost no one there, only on one bench a girl was playing the dombra, the underground shopping mall was closed.

When the three out of the 10-15 buses were filled, a part of those, who remained on the street decided to march to the old square. At the old square there was also police and a bus. The police guarded the territory of the park, so that people could not go through to the square.

Every District Department of the Interior was overcrowded with detainees from the rally. All of those that did not fit, were taken outside of the city and released. It can be certainly said that although it was less than 3000 in attendance at the rally, it was definitely more than 1000. This is a good result given the security measures taken by the authorities.

Furthermore, as our comrades are telling, since then, the country’s population started to discuss the topic of land, social stratification and social problems much more actively. The state wanted to do better, but the end result was like usual. The state used all of their media to portray the land rally in a negative light, but negative promotion is still promotion!

There were even such people that were openly mocking the official propaganda: “I only came to receive my 150 dollars (Pervyy Kanal Kazahstana (Kazakhstan’s 1st channel) stated that the rally-goers were being paid by the “treacherous West”)”, announced one of the detained women. “Where are they? I don’t see even one cash register!”

“You should ask Smykov (the host of Pervyy Kanal Kazahstana)!” told her another detainee. The bus with 53 detained protesters burst into laughter.

The land reforms turned into a trigger of the accumulated discontent from the effects of devaluation, the growth of social stratification, unemployment, the ruining of small business and other social problems. Now we should pose this question: “what lesson will have learned the protesting activists and the authorities?”

Via Left Russia

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Press Statement: Bastar and the Bogey of Anti-Nationalisms-WSS


Statement of WSS in response to the attacks on an independent study team in Bastar and local villagers helping them, and a solidarity event in Kolkata

WSS (Women against Sexual Repression and State Violence) strongly condemns two recent incidents of harassment, malicious intimidation and vilification employed by the BJP government and its youth wing, the Bharatiya Janta Yuva Morcha, to silence critics of the ruling regime’s policies in Bastar.

The first incident concerns the harassment and detention of villagers, Mangla of Nama and Manju Kawasi of Gadiras, Sukma district, who had helped a team of academics and activists conduct a study tour from May 12th to May 16th in the districts of Kanker, Bastar, Sukma and Bijapur. The team, comprising of Prof Nandini Sundar of Delhi University, Prof. Archana Prasad, a member of the JNU faculty and an office bearer of AIDWA, Vineet Tiwari of the Joshi-Adhikar Institute and of the CPI, and Sanjay Parate of the CPI(M) found that several areas of the Bastar division were facing a situation reminiscent of the Salwa Judum period, when several tens of thousands of villagers were forced to flee their villages due to the violence between state-sponsored militias and the Naxalites. The team, which was critical of the government’s abuses of its own laws leading to large scale human rights violations, was also critical of the violence being perpetrated by the Maoists, and strongly urged different stake holders to prepare the ground for a political dialogue between the government and opposition parties including the CPI Maoist.

Instead of responding constructively to the team’s thoughtful suggestions, the state government has fabricated a criminal complaint against the team members and local villagers assisting the team, accusing them of instigating villagers of Kummakoleng and Nama villages in Bastar district to join the Naxalite movement. This patently absurd complaint has allegedly been submitted by aggrieved villagers of two villages to the Collector of Bastar, Mr. Amit Kataria, who promptly put this up on his Facebook page – undoubtedly a strange way for a Collector to deal with a complaint! This fictitious complaint was further propagated on social media by members of the police-promoted and now-discredited Samajik Ekta Manch, and then given legitimacy by the Home Minister, Ram Sevak Painkra and the Chief Minister, Raman Singh, both of whom confirmed to the media that this complaint was being taken seriously and investigated thoroughly.

Local residents of Bastar who helped the team are already facing the brunt of police highhandedness. Manju Kawasi, a member of the CPI women’s wing who accompanied the team got a midnight visit from the Sukma police, who told her that she would have to go to Jagdalpur for questioning. Earlier in the day also, Ms Kawasi had received a call from the SHO of her village police station in Gadiras, threatening her that an FIR would be registered against her. A villager from village Nama, Mangla, a carpenter by profession, who had accompanied the team to show the way to his village, has also been repeatedly called to the police station for questioning, and his phone is now inaccessible. We also note that there is a long history of harassing Professor Nandini Sundar who is a petitioner in the case before the Supreme Court challenging the government-sponsored Salwa Judum.

Through such pressure tactics, the state government, police and local administration are aiming to create an atmosphere of fear where independent teams are discouraged from visiting Bastar and monitoring the state of civil war in the region. WSS, which has itself participated in three fact-finding teams to Bastar in the past year, strongly denounces such moves by the state and local authorities. In the current situation where journalists and lawyers have been hounded out of Bastar, local activists attacked and media persons jailed and intimidated, such visits by external human rights monitors take on a crucial significance and must be encouraged.

It must be remembered that the findings of such independent teams to the area have been corroborated by representatives of autonomous state institutions such as the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes, and members of the national press, who have recently visited the area and found widespread evidence of police and security forces excesses. Hence, repeated visits of fact finding teams to the area remain the only means of uncovering the excesses and bringing relief to the local populations.

In Kolkata, an event “Blackout in Bastar” organized by the Bastar Solidarity Network to highlight the violation of human rights in Bastar, was attacked by the youth wing of BJP, the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha. This group was ostensibly protesting the presence of Umar Khalid, the student leader from JNU who was participating in the event, as an anti-national though in reality deploying diversionary tactics to disrupt the programme. Other speakers at the event included the Bastar journalist Kamal Shukla, who has organized journalists across the state of Chhattisgarh demanding freedom of the press, and WSS member, Sharmishtha Chowdhury of the AIRWO, who had participated in a recent fact-finding trip of the WSS to the Bijapur district in Bastar.

We are deeply concerned by the use of force and intimidation to quell discussions on contentious issues. We demand that the local authorities in Bastar immediately ensure the safety of Mangla, stop harassing Manju Kawasi, and quash the fictitious complaint against the fact-finding team of independent investigators. At the same time, we denounce in no uncertain terms the protestors in Kolkata, for vitiating the atmosphere where a simple criticism of a government’s action, however reasonable, is taken to be a treasonous act.

Via Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression

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Naxalbari Politics: A Feminist Narrative


-Krishna Bandyopadhyay

Several times, while composing this piece, I debated whether it would be better not to do so. With such critical reflections one would runs the risk of isolation; and who wants to be isolated? though friends had told me to go ahead, there was something inside that had held me back. Through a long period of struggle with myself, I realised that it was imperative to write what follows.

I had embraced Naxalbari politics in my early youth; and in my mature years today, I still feel no regret for having done so.This politics had instilled in me the courage to call a spade a spade. All that I had experienced, and all that I had learnt then, still inspires me to explore new modes of being and to discover yet more paths.Whenever I am witness to a struggle, I still feel like joining it. I had become a part of so many movements – the women’s movement, the students’ movement and the peasants’ movement.

Today I speak out forcefully against violence perpetrated in the name of religion, just as that young girl of the 1970s would have done. Although, many young people are doing good work beyond the framework of our movement, yet, for me, this has been the gift of my politics. All the respect and love I get from relatives, friends, and so many others is because of the fact that I marched in step with that politics once upon a time. Still, emotion and reason must be reconciled after a point.

My political party had grown out of our own social milieu. A party is not just a frame; it is a platform for people of various kinds to come together. And we were creatures of this very socio-economic reality. It is impossible for a person to hold back all negative traits and bring in only the good. Everyone carries both good and evil traits. Anyway, what I want to say is that moves to condemn our party as “evil” were typical of those with feudal and patriarchal values, be they men or women. And in any case, even the very concepts of “good” and “evil” are relative. Those who genuinely wish to dismantle exploitative social structures also challenge their own old structures of belief. That is why they are the vanguard of society.

If the very edifice of the nation state is to be brought down, then this work must begin at its very foundation – this may have been a declared aim, but it was not achieved in reality. Tearing out the foundations is not a matter of just killing off a handful of landowners and landlords, for they are the mere pillars of the nation. It means tearing out the very patterns of thought; and that is a long process that must be carried out in a sustained manner. This political party had launched itself with genuine questions, which could never be answered with any short-cut approaches.

A long-term war had been declared, yet simultaneously, a time limit had also been set. We have lost so many lives in our haste for short-term success. And not just workers, leaders too have had to die. Yet it was so important for these selfless and extremely courageous people to have carried on living in our society.

Another regret is that my party had never considered seriously, far less taken any stand whatsoever,on women’s liberation. Later, when I began to publish Khoj Ekhon, a feminist little magazine, my political friends were still saying, “Women will automatically become free when society is liberated”. The point is that the women’s liberation movement or the movement for national identity are not divorced from the struggle to reform society; both must continue simultaneously. Today, many have understood this at least partially, if not completely.

This piece is dedicated to those women of the next generation who will play an active role in political struggles, not just for the liberation of humankind in general, but also for the liberation of women in particular. In spite of all the bloodshed, disappointments and failures, I still dream of a liberated society where some day women will claim half the sky…

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 43, No. 14 (Apr. 5 – 11, 2008), pp. 52-59

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Long Live Naxalbari! -DSU


49 years of Naxalbari Movement- Naxalbari Ek hi Rasta!!!

Spring thunder crashed over Indian subcontinent when peasants of Naxalbari of North Bengal began a militant struggle against landlords and seized land and food grains in 1967. CPI(M) leaders who were in power tried to pacify the situation and United Front government of West Bengal attempted to diffuse the people’s movement by announcing token land reforms. When they failed to do so, Jyoti Basu, the then Home Minister of West Bengal deployed police to suppress it. On 25th May 1967, police killed nine women and children in Naxalbari. The struggle intensified, people’s courts were established and tea garden workers also came out in solidarity.

A large number of paramilitary personnel were deployed in the region and the movement was crushed. Thousands of struggling peasants were killed and arrested. Jangal Santhal was arrested, Charu Mazumdar who was leading the movement and Kanu Sanyal went into hiding. Tribheni Kanu, Sobhan, Ali Gorkha Majhi and Tilka Majhi were martyred. Revolutionaries in Kolkata took up a massive campaign in support of the Naxalbari uprising and against revisionism of the CPI(M). Simultaneous to the police action against those speaking in support of the movement, leading members of CPI(M) like Ashim Chatterjee, Parimal Das Gupta, Asit Sen, Suniti Kumar Ghosh, Saroj Datta,Sushital Roy Chowdhary and Mahadev Mukherjee who were fighting against CPI(M)’s revisionism were expelled. CPI (M)’s Darjeeling district committee and its Siliguri sub-divisional committee were dissolved.

Naxalbari’s spark set the revolutionary fires in other districts like Birbhum, Debra-Gopiballavpur, Mushahari and Lakhimpur-Kheri. It spread like prairie fire to Srikakulam, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, U.P, Tamil Nadu and many other parts of the Indian subcontinent. Naxalbari emerged as an ideological answer and established the revolutionary essence of Marxism in the Indian subcontinent when revisionism of CPI and CPI(M) distorted the Marxist ideology. It showed a new path when the great debate between Communist Party of China (CPC) and Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) was happening, when Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution exposed the distortion of Marxism and revisionism of CPSU, when students and workers revolt shook France, when militant Black and women’s movement was happening in US, when Vietnam was waging a war against US imperialism and when national liberation struggles were being waged in many underdeveloped countries.

Though the movement was crushed due to some tactical errors and massive offensive by the enemy, Naxalbari showed the path to revolution and exposed the revisionism of CPI and CPI(M). Naxalbari clearly rejected the revisionist line that India is a capitalist society with feudal remnants, established that India is semi-feudal semi-colonial society and opposed the model of peaceful transition to socialism posed by revisionists. It theorized a clear line on the struggle against Caste aggression and said no revolution is possible without annihilating caste and vice versa. It also brought to the fore that India consists of many nationalities and supported the right to self-determination including secession.

The exploitative nature of Indian state and ruling classes against which Naxalbari movement started in 1967 hasn’t changed. Poverty, hunger, unemployment, exploitation and oppression are rampant in the subcontinent. Naxalbari represents the dream of creating a classless society where everyone would have equal access to basic necessities of life and all other resources. The people who carry forward this dream today are being brutally repressed by the state. Social and economic disparities have greatly increased due to neoliberalism and along with state repression, these have intensified the class struggle in the society. Naxalbari becomes relevant more than ever as it showed that there is no middle path in the class struggle and only the victory of the proletariat can bring relief to the humankind.

It should be remembered that Naxalbari saw a huge participation of students and youths and despite heavy repression, they stayed at the forefront of the movement. Today we see that there is a continuous attack on students and teachers, workers, peasants, adivasis, dalits, religious and racial minorities are witch-hunted on the one hand and on the other hand, Operation Green Hunt is being carried out brutally to facilitate the loot of resources and to suppress the people’s movement. We are also witness to the vicious conspiracy of the fascist forces to term any student or any democratic organization, which opposes the anti-people policies of the state, as anti-national. Diktats are being issued that students should stay away from progressive politics and become slaves to the system. Naxalbari is a historic answer to this kind of propaganda, when students in huge numbers revolted against the state, organized masses in towns and villages and sacrificed their lives to participate in the heroic struggle of the people to bring about a radical transformation in the society and put an end to all forms of exploitation. The time has come to intensify the ongoing students’ movement against the attack of the fascist forces on people and against the neo-liberal policies of the Indian state with courage and determination taking inspiration from Naxalbari.

The ruling Class day-dreamt to brutally crush Naxalbari’s legacy. But more than extinguishing it, today, after 49 years the fire from that small village has spread all over India. Petrified by the Revolutionary Movement, the ruling class calls it the ‘biggest problem of internal security’ and carrying on brutal offensive in various forms like fake ‘encounters’ and witch hunting. The road of Naxalbari is the only panacea – the only road to build exploitation free society. Democratic Students’ Union on the 49th anniversary of Naxalbari resolves to forge unity of students with working class, peasants, oppressed castes, oppressed nationalities, racial and religious minorities and all progressive sections in the struggle to build a democratic society.



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People’s War in India Clippings 25/5/2016






Police denying permission to TDF meeting decried

The TRS government should restrain itself from stifling peoples’ fundamental rights and their right to debate on issues concerning them, said noted human rights activist G. Haragopal. Addressing a public meeting organised by the Telangana Democratic Forum (TDF), he said formation of separate Telangana was made possible with the involvement of people in agitations such as Sagara Haram, Million March and other programmes. The same party that mobilised people was now curbing them from getting together to fight atrocities against Adivasis, Dalits, women and minorities and that was strange, he said. Prof. Haragopal was referring to police denying permission to the TDF’s meeting here.

The meeting was held after the High Court gave permission for the meeting with certain conditions. Mild tension prevailed at the venue with a large number of police personnel keeping an eye on the movement of people who had come to attend the meeting. Prof. Haragopal decried the denial of permission to hold the meeting and not allowing revolutionary poet Varavara Rao to address the gathering. It was undemocratic, he said adding that the restrictions imposed by the government have made the meeting a great success as it attracted much public attention.

He objected to the contention of the police that Maoists would attend the meeting. The meeting was aimed at discussing exploitation and attacks on laks of tribals in Chhattisgarh and elsewhere by the police and Central paramilitary forces. Speakers at the meeting said that leaders of various political parties spoke in favour of the naxal movement and after assuming power, they targeted the same naxals who enjoy public patronage. “Right from NTR, YSR and KCR too hailed the naxal agenda. What happened to that after coming to power”, he sought to know.

Prof. Haragopal said that innocent Adivasis living in the forest area of Chhattisgarh were only asking the government to let them live. They do not want to be displaced in the name of development or law and order. But the multi-national companies were prevailing over the governments and people should fight it. “The Operation Green Hunt emerged from the USA to displace local tribals and the same is being adopted here in India,” he pointed out. TDF leaders C. Narayana Rao and B. Ravindranath addressed the meeting. Varavara Rao, Delhi University professor G. N. Saibaba and a host of TDF leaders attended the meeting.

Leaders of various political parties speak in favour of the naxal movement, but after assuming power, they target the same naxals

Naxal order overground supporters to armed activities

Nagpur: The manpower crunch has pushed Naxals in Gadchiroli to rope in their village-based supporters, comprising Area Rakshak Dal (ARD) and Gram Rakshak Dal (GRD), for armed activities of the banned outfit. The recent murder of constable Bandu Wachami by ARD and GRD members of Poyarkoti and Gunderwahi villages underlines the change in the rebel policy.

The Naxals, who have suffered many cadre losses from encounters and desertion, are facing acute shortage of men in their military outfits. In order to make up for the lower cadre strength, the Naxals have issued instructions to ARD and GRD supporters to take up some of the sabotages activities, including triggering blasts, setting government offices afire, targeting informers and Special Police Officers (SPO), among others.
The Naxals have been on the back foot since the government’s revised surrender policy started attracting their cadres in large numbers. They have lost three more cadres this week, who deserted the movement. The three Naxals, including an area committee member, had a reward of Rs12 lakhs on them.

Earlier, the ARD and GRDs managed political activities of Naxals in the villages, including organizing meetings, erecting memorials for martyred cadres, distributing pamphlets and putting up banners. The ARD and GRD also managed the jan-militia or the support base of the Naxals in the villages. They also participated in the party’s activities like recruitment process, ferrying materials and documents apart from providing other logistic support to the cadres. These ARD and GRD members also functioned as potential informer base for the Naxals.
A senior police officer said senior ARD and GRD members already had crude country made revolvers and bharmar rifles, which also served as a kind of identification for them. “The way ARD and GRD members kidnapped Wachami before gunning him down five days later only shows that they are now handling serious crimes on behalf of the Naxals,” he said.

The officer said the Naxals are also not in a mood to spare supporters who have started favouring the police or have become inactive. “The Naxals have never thought twice before gunning down ARD or GRD members in the past too, when they found the victims in fault,” he said. Superintendent of police, Gadchiroli, Sandip Patil said six ARD and GRD members were arrested for Wachami’s murder. “Police have received concrete input regarding the latest instructions from Naxal top brass to their village-based supporters. Naxals did not have any other option after so many surrenders or deaths of cadres but to engage their supporters in a more active manner,” said Patil.Police have now started keeping a close vigil on ARDs and GRDs. “We had always been trying to keep pressure on ARD and GRD members by booking them under preventive provisions frequently, but their new role shall bring them under closer scrutiny,” said the SP.

Armed collection of revolutionary tax from Bijapur contractor.

After ‘Maoist’ escaped with weapons, orders issued to all SPs

Two days after The Indian Express reported that an alleged Maoist, detained by Bijapur Police, escaped with arms and ammunition on May 18 after winning the trust of the personnel of Basaguda police station, the top anti-Left Wing Extremism officer in Chhattisgarh police has written to SPs across the state issuing directions regarding storage of arms and ammunition.

In his letter, Special DG, Anti-Naxal Operations, D M Awasthi has sought strict enforcement of police regulations with regard to weapons. The letter says, “The distribution of weapons should only be based on necessity. The keeping and destruction of seized items and IEDs must also be done according to the rules and regulations with safety and security kept in mind.” Awasthi has written that from here on, “special attention must be paid to the storage and upkeep of weapons. The weapons must be issued only during duty, and once that ends it must be collected from personnel, and during this process, records of the name of the person it is being issued to must be kept scrupulously. Signatures must be taken of the same.”



Suspected Maoists gun down LJP leader, cousin in Bihar

Patna: Lok Sabha MP and LJP leader Chirag Paswan demanded imposition of president rule in Bihar after a member of his party Sudesh Paswan and his brother Sunil Paswan was murdered in Gaya district on Wednesday. According to reports, the incident occurred while Sudesh Paswan, a block president of LJP, along with his brother was campaigning for Panchayat election in Dumariya area. After the incident, the police launched a manhunt to nab the shooters involved in the case.

Initial reports suggest that it was a Naxal attack. The locals later vandalised and torched vehicles in protest. The police later found a placard and posters from the spot which said that all police informers will be killed in the same manner and the killings were “a warning to all those who thought that police will help them”. The posters, according to sources, had the signature of a group belonging to a Naxal outfit.

Jharkhand Maoists torch 35 vehicles in 150 days; contractors panic

Ranchi: Maoists have torched 35 vehicles in the past five months in Jharkhand, hampering the state government’s efforts to woo investors and develop infrastructure. The violent attacks by the Maoist guerrillas have created panic among the contractors involved in construction work.
The state police with the help of paramilitary forces have destroyed many bunkers and recovered more than 2,000 landmines planted by the Maoists in different parts of the state. Police claim to have hit the backbone of the Maoist guerrillas in last one year, but the guerrillas make their presence felt by demanding levy and torching vehicles.

Woman Maoist acquitted in 47 cases

Visakhapatnam: A woman Maoist on Tuesday was acquitted in all the 47 cases registered against her after being in judicial custody for almost nine years. The Metropolitan Session Judge Court acquitted Tambelu Kamala of Revulakota area in Koyyuru mandal after no evidence was found against her. After her release, civil liberties activists demanded that the state government pay her Rs 1 crore as compensation for putting her behind bars without any evidence.

They also demanded that action should be taken against the police officials responsible for her arrest. Tambelu Kamala was arrested by Chintapalli cops on December 6, 2007, from her parents’ house, said civil rights activists, who added that the cops had claimed that she was carrying land mines and wire bundles when they caught her. However, Kamala was acquitted in that case, but cops once again arrested her and framed another 46 cases against her, the activists said and demanded that the state compensate her for the injustice done to her.

Red alert in Giridih after triple murder

Dhanbad: Jharkhand police, along with their Bihar counterpart and the CRPF, have intensified anti-Maoist operations in Giridih’s forested terrain along the border. Giridih shares its northern border with Bihar’s Jamui and Nawada districts. The state cops’ alacrity follows the brutal killing of three men by suspected Maoists in Jamui last Saturday. Maoist letters found at the site of the murder stated that the trio were beheaded because they were “police informers”.

Giridih SP Akhilesh B Variar said the ongoing anti-Maoist operations in the bordering regions for the past several months have now been strengthened with new modus operandi. “Keeping all legal and social aspects in mind, we have planed to intensify inter-border operations in the remote pockets and dense forests of Bengabad, Deori, Tisri and Gawan blocks of Giridih in Jharkhand and villages falling under the jurisdiction of Jamui and Nawada,” he said, adding that a high-level meeting of senior cops of the two states and senior CRPF officials is likely soon.

CRPF assistant commandant Ravi Kumar Verma said more than a dozen villages are located in the forested hills in Giridih and the terrain makes it easier for the rebels to disappear. “Besides hunting down the rebels, the joint force will focus on instilling confidence in villagers so that they cooperate with security forces,” said Variar.

Police outpost to be ready soon at Rallagedda Kotturu

The police outpost at Rallagedda Kotturu, on the way to Korukonda in Chintapalli mandal, would be ready soon, Superintendent of Police Rahul Dev Sharma said on Monday. Rains hindered the construction activity, but work would resume soon, Mr. Sharma said, and added that the facility would be ready in a short time. “It is located in a difficult terrain and workers are not prepared to go there,” he said.

The structure is being constructed by taking all the precautions needed for a police outpost, which would help the police dominate the area, including the nearby hill, and control the Maoist activity. Pre-fab technology is being used in its construction. This is the first outpost being constructed in the Agency. Another has been sanctioned at Roodakota. The outpost can house 100 personnel. It will have all facilities and ensures tight security unlike the outposts established several years ago, which were temporary structures and vulnerable to attacks.

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People’s War in India Clippings 24/5/2016


Two get lifer for abduction of former Odisha Collector Vineel Krishna

Malkangiri Additional District and Sessions Judge court pronounced the judgement and held Tapan Saha and M Dibya alias Shanti guilty in the case. The court, however, acquitted Ghasi Pangi, another accused in the case. While Saha is a former government employee, Dibya is a hardcore woman Maoist.

Reacting to the verdict, the then DGP Manmohan Praharaj said: “It was a difficult task then to nab the accused in the inaccessible and cut-off areas of Malkangiri. It was a challenge for us to identify those involved in the incident. We took the help of Andhra Pradesh police and officials from other states. The witnesses were apprehensive for which we had to persuade them to give their statements in the court. I am satisfied with the judgement.” It may be recalled that the former Collector and a junior engineer Pabitra Mahji were abducted by members of Communist Party of India (Maoist) on February 16, 2011.


CPI (Maoist) posters against village head in Dumaria.


Bastar police use adivasis to fight adivasis – unleashing violence in the villages

During the summer, before the paddy is sown, adivasis in Chhattisgarh often subsist on the small animals and birds they trap in the jungles. On April 11, five men from Bade Gudra village, about 70 kilometers from Dantewada town, went into the Iddesmetta forests that border their village to try to trap a shahi murga, a large rooster that could feed a dozen people.

The men dug a hole, covered it with a net and camouflaged the trap with dry leaves and sticks. “We saw a rooster walking towards the trap,” said Chula Kartam, 55, a resident of Bade Gudra. “But before it reached the net, about four dozen armed soldiers reached the spot.” According to two witnesses, the security men began to shout in Gondi and attacked the five men. They fired at them, leaving one man severely injured. Another man, who managed to escape, told his neighbours what had transpired. In a short while, the security forces came to the village and randomly picked up three other men.

Six of the men, Unga Sori, Unga Kartami, Unga Pudiyami, Kosa Pudiyami, Katti Pudiyami and Raju Manda, are under arrest. Kartam Pandu, 25, managed to escape from his bed in the Civil Hospital in Dantewada even though he had been shot in the leg thrice. He has been missing since.


Four Maoists including woman commander held

Visakhapatnam: Visakha Rural cops arrested four Maoists including a woman area committee member (ACM) who carried a reward of Rs 4 lakh on her head on Sunday. Vantala Chechu alias Vasanta alias Jyothi of Bonangipalli in GK Veedhi mandal was arrested at the Valasagedda in the Visakha agency where she was taking shelter and treatment for her ill health. The other three persons were armed militia members Pangi Sattibabu alias Gorlemetta Sattibabu, Pangi Kemswara Rao alias Vamsi of Pokalapalem in Budaralla panchayat in Koyyuru mandal and Gemmeli Govinda Rao of Peddurugondi village in GK Veedhi mandal.

Speaking to media persons here on Monday, Visakha Rural SP Rahul Dev Sharma said Vasanta had joined the naxal rank and file in 2003 to escape marriage in her teens. She served as a dalam member in Korukonda and Galikonda dalams from 2004 to 2008 before she was promoted as ACM and sent to Pedabayalu Dalam. She acted as ACM for Gupteswar dalam in Odisha from 2010 to 2012 and later as ACM of Gumma Dalam till the arrest.
The SP said Vasantha, the wife of DCM cadre naxal leader Krishna, came out when the party was not willing to release her even after she became ill. There were more than 50 cases against her including 15 murder cases, 10 blasts, five property damage and six exchange of fire incidents, besides famine raids. She was injured at Gollivalasa encounter in 2010. She was involved in murders of Sagina Somalinga at Rintada in GK Veedhi in 2010, former sarpanch Sinderi Karla at Balapam in 2014 and former sarpanch of Jerrela Sagina Venkata Ramana in 2016.

Militia members Pangi Sattibabu, Pangi Kameswara Rao and Gemmeli Govinda Rao, who carried a Rs 1 lakh reward each against their name, were involved in blasts, pasting Maoists posters and organising meetings. Sattibabu was also involved in construction of Maoists martyrs pylons in between Kannavaram and Annavaram, while Govinda Rao had conducted recce at Jerrela before the murder of Sagina Venkata Ramana.


Balaghat cops nab absconding Naxalite from Gondia district

As per information, 10 years back, armed naxalites have burnt two trucks laden with bamboo in jungles of Village Dhiri-Murum in Lanji. Government suffered loss of around Rs 30 lakh in this incident. At that time, case was registered against unknown naxalites at Lanji police station. Informers told police that Lakhan alias Mohan is also involved in the incident.

Balaghat police arrested absconding Naxalite from Gondia in neighbouring Maharashtra on Monday. He was carrying cash reward of Rs 30,000 and was absconding from last ten years. Accused naxali is having five cases including murder, attempt to murder, loot, dacoity against him.

Maoists killed school boy owing to mistaken identity

Bhopal: Shootout of a 20-year-old school student, Rati alias Sunder, by Maoists, suspecting him to be a police informer, was a case of mistaken identity. This has come to light during interrogation of three rebels arrested by Balaghat police on Tuesday. “These accused had misinformed Maoists about his identity,” said DC Sagar, IG Balaghat. Three people identified as Mansharam Dhurve, Ghanshyam Markam, his wife Savni Markam, all residents of Pathri village, were involved in his murder. Police have recovered a diary from their possession which has numbers of 300 people in Balaghat and neighbouring Chhattisgarh. “We are scrutinising all the numbers. It may be a treasure trove on Maoists sympathisers,” said the IG, adding each and every number is being verified.

Meanwhile, in a separate case, the Balaghat police have arrested ‘most wanted’ Maoist from Gondia. Accused, Lakhan alias Mohan, 50, was carrying a bounty of Rs 30000 on his head and wanted in connection with a 2008 case wherein a group of 10 Maoists had set two bamboo laden trucks on fire. He was active in two districts and held a key position in the group. He has been remanded to seven-day police custody and is being interrogated for more details. Police said that Lakhan was wanted in five different cases, including the most recent one reported on April 12.

Intelligence officials believe that Lakhan was recruiting new members in the region and was closely associated with Dilip Guha who was arrested in May last year. Guha was allegedly in know of the conspiracy behind the 2013 Bastar bloodbath that wiped out entire frontline Congress leadership of Chhattisgarh. A hardened Maoist of the North Gadchiroli-Gondia divisional committee (NGBDC), Guha was involved in more than 200 cases, including murder of state’s former transport minister and beheading of 19 government employees. Guha was not only involved in the conspiracy but was also part of the operation in Jheeram Ghati in Bastar that killed 27 people, say intelligence sources.

Accused Dilip alias Guha, a resident of Balaghat’s Maate village, was arrested after a brief encounter in Sungudda district’s forest area where he was moving with seven armed guerrillas. Others had managed to escape. Guha carried a bounty of Rs 40 lakh on his head and was wanted in 130 cases registered in Madhya Pradesh alone. Police were on the lookout for him in three red zone areas. He had joined Malajkhand Dalam at the age of 16 in 1995. The dalam was led by Suraj Tekam, key accused in murder of former transport minister Likhiram Kawre at Sonepur village in Balaghat district.

Jharkhand developing helipads to aid anti-Maoist operations

Jharkhand is developing helipads in remote areas of the state to aid surveillance and operations against Maoist guerrillas, Inspector General (operations) M.S. Bhatia said on Tuesday. “Some helipads have been constructed and some are under construction. The idea is to sharpen operations against Maoists, save time in moving troops and alleviate the threat posed by landmines,” Bhatia told IANS.

According to police sources, 13 places have been identified where such helipads are being constructed. Over 700 security personnel have been killed in Jharkhand on account of Maoist insurgency since 2000 when the state was created. About 60 percent of that death toll has been attributed to landmine blasts.

The security forces battling the insurgency are faced with a difficult and dangerous terrain, including dense forests. Some of the jungles are situated on hills. Many of the remote areas have nothing resembling motorable roads. All land movements of the security personnel in the Maoist zone are threatened with the possibility of landmine blasts and ambushes. In some areas security personnel have to footslog more than 15 to 20 km which causes fatigue, making them more vulnerable to Maoist attacks.

“Maoist guerrillas tend to plant landmines along non-tarred roads,” said a police official. Helipads will reduce the troops’ reliance on land movements and improve access to remote areas. “In cases of emergency evacuation, airlifting will also become easier. The anti-Maoist operations will get strengthened without the risk of loss of lives of the security forces,” said Bhatia. Helipad construction will help in keeping eye on the movement of the Maoists, said the police sources.

Exchange of fire in Balaghat.

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